Søgningsresultat

Kiøbenhaffn, Henrich Waldkirch, 1610. Folio. (32 x 20 cm.). Indbundet i et samtidigt pragtfuldt renaissancebind i hellæder over træ med 4 ægte bind på ryggen, rigt udstyret med blindtryykte sammensatte rammer på begge permer og blindtrykt ornamentik i de centrale rektangulære felter. En del af ryg og hjørner restaureret, her er det gl. skind erstattet med nyt (uden blidtryk). Med 1 af 2 messinglukker. (32),DXLVII (=547),(29) pp. Forsatse fornyet. Titelbladet trykt i rød/sort, opklæbet og med lidt tab af blankt papir øverst (gl. navn bortklippet ?). Ydre margin af titelblad restaureret uden tab. Der er to varianter af titelbladet, det ene med Vedels portræt på bagsiden, det andet uden, som her. Indvendig et stort udmærket og ganske rent eksemplar, kun lettere bruning af marginer. 2. udgaven af den første dansk-sprogede Saxo-Udgave - et monumentalværk i dansk sprog og litteratur, idet værket først med Vedels oversættelse nåede frem til den almene læser, "skrevet på et rent og frodigt dansk...langt senere blev den en sproglig inspirationskilde for romantikkens danske digtere...(DBL).Thesaurus 205.

London, John Murray, (1821), 1822, 1823. Wirhout wrappers as extracted from "The Quarterly Journal of Science and the Arts. (The Royal Institution of Great Britain)", vol. XII a. XV. Half-title and title-page to vol. XII, pp. 74-96 a. pp. 416-421 and 1 engraved plate (showing Faraday's apparatus for illustrating electromagnetic rotation). Title-page to vol. XV. Pp. 288-292. The plate slightly brownspotted. First appearance of these three papers in which Faraday records one of the most influential discoveries in physics in the 19th Century; - with these papers he is the very first to show how to CONVERT THE ELECTRICAL AND MAGNETIC FORCES INTO CONTINUAL MECHANICAL MOVEMENT, thus creating the first electric motor, using the principle of electromagnetic rotation. In the first paper he introduced for the first time the concept of "LINE OF FORCE", hereby delineating "a picture of the universe as consisting of fields of various types, one that was more subtle, flexible, and useful than the purely mechanical picture of Galileo and Newton. The FIELD UNIVERSE was to be recognized with Maxwell half a century later and with Einstein, after an interval of another half century" (Asimov)."Ever since Hans Christian Oersted's announcement of the discovery of electromagnetism in the summer of 1820, editors of scientific journals had been inundated with articles on the phenomenon. Theories to explain it had multiplied, and the net effect was confusion. Were all the effects reported real? Did the theories fit the facts? It was to answer these questions that Phillips turned to Faraday and asked him to review the experiments and theories of the past months and separate truth from fiction,...Faraday agreed to undertake a short historical survey...His enthusiasm was aroused in September 1821, when he turned to the investigation of the peculiar nature of the magnetic force created by an electrical current. Oersted had spoken of the "electrical conflict" surrounding the wire and had noted that "this conflict performs circles".....Yet as he experimented he saw precisely what was happening. Using a small magnetic needle to map the pattern of magnetic force, he noted that one of the poles of the needle turned in a circle as it was carried around the wire. He immediately realized that a single magnetic pole would rotate unceasingly around a current-carrying wire so long as the current flowed. He then set about devising an instrument to illustrate this effect. His paper "On some new Electro-Magnetical Motion, and on the Theory of Magnetism" appeared in the 21 October 1821 issue of the "Quarterly Journal of Science" (The paper offered). It records the first conversion of electrical into mechanical energy. It also contained the first notion of the line of force." (DSB IV, pp. 533).

Holland, 1921-29. Textvolume with 25 parts in small folio (31 x 21 cm.) and bound in contemp. hcalf. Gilt spine with gilt lettering. Ca. 300 pp. On good paper. Clean and fine. - Atlas in Imperial folio-oblong. (52 x 72 cm.). Contemp. hcalf. Some tears to spine. With 36 engraved plates (gravee door Schweickhart) with many construction-details. Clean and fine. Stamp on title-page. + Atlas in folio-oblong (Ordonnanzen) (38 x 53 cm.). Contemp. hcalf. Titlelabel on upper cover with gilt lettering. Title-page with a stamp. With 18 engraved folio-plates with many figs. Clean and fine.

(Paris, Lottin l'aìne), 1771. Large folio. (55 x 39,5 cm.). Contemp. hcalf. Gilt spine, titlelabel with gilt lettering. Spine rubbed and wear to spine ends. Repair to lower 6 cm. of spine. Wear to top of spine. Titlelabel with tapestrip added. Corners a bit bumped. Stamps on foot of titlepage. Engraved pictorial title-page. 47 pp. and 16 fine engraved plates of which 11 are folded in double, triple-folio etc.. Internally clean and fine. Scarce first edition of this monumental work on bridge-construction with detailled description of its construction, materials used, tools and the new machinery employed etc., including the 125 cm. long engraved plate showing the bridge."The Moulins bridge ran from 1753 to 1763 and at the invitation of Daniel-Charles Trudaine , Règemorte published, in 1771 , the description of this great work in which significant progress in the art of building structures were inaugurated, and where the skill of the engineers had overcome considerable difficulties." (Wikipedia).

Paris, Crochard, 1820. 8vo. Without wrappers, as extracted from "Annales de Chimie et de Physique", Volume 15, pp. 59-76 and pp.170-218. Five engraved plates accompanying the memoires showing the experimental equipments. Half-title and title-page to volume 15 present. First edition of the first announcement of Ampère's discoveries on electromagnetism. Ampère first heard of Ørsted's discovery of electromagnetism on the 4th of September when Arago announced Ørsted's results to the Paris Academy of Sciences. In Ørsted's experiment a current-carrying wire is held over, and under, a compass needle - the result being that the needle is positioned at 45 degrees in respect to the wire. Ampére immediately saw that this result made no physical sense and realized that the true nature of the effect could not be observed until the force of terrestrial magnetism was somehow neutralized; what Ørsted had observed and reported on was the resultant of the force from the wire and that from the earth's magnetic field. Ampère discovered that the compass needle sets at 90 degrees to the current-carrying wire when the effect of terrestrial magnetism is eliminated. He also observed that current-carrying wires which are formed as spirals act as permanent magnets, and this lead him to his theory that electricity in motion produces magnetism and that permanent magnets must contain electrical currents. And thus, Ampère laid the foundation of the new field of electrodynamics.Ampère announced his theory and experimental results, for the first time, in a series of memoires read before the Paris Academy of Sciences in September and October 1820. These memoires were first published in the September and October issues of Arago's "Annales de Chimie et de Physique" (the offered items). In November, Ampère had a separate printing of his findings published under the title 'Mémoires sur I'action mutuelle de deux courans électriques, sur celle qui existe entre un courant électrique et un aimant ou le globe terrestre, et celle de deux aimans I'un sur I'autre.' (Dibner 62, Norman 43). On the title-page of this publication it is stated 'Extrait des Annales de Chimie et de Physique' and therefore this publication is often identified as an offprint of the two offered papers (see the Norman sales catalogue for an example). This is, however untrue, since it contains considerable changes and additions in comparison with text of the journal issues (see Williams: What were Ampère's Earliest Discoveries in Electrodynamics? ISIS, volume 74, p.492).Honeyman 82, Barchas 51, Wheeler 762. Sparrow, Milestones No 8.

Kazan, 1834. 8vo. Contemporary blank, blue wrappers (original?). A closed tear and a bit of staining to back wrapper and some tears and scratches to spine. Internally very nice and clean. Presumably not an off-print, as there are stitching-holes to the margins, indicating that it has been removed from a volume, although the wrappers could look original, certainly contemporary. With the original title-page for Book 11 of the "Uchenye zapiski" + pp. (167)-226. Scarce first printing of Lobachavsky's main contribution to his second most important field (after non-Euclidean geometry), namely infinite series, more specifically trigonometric series. This constitutes one of Lobachevsky's earliest papers and the one in which he presents his new results in the theory of trigonometric series. It is here that he gives his definition of a function as a correspondence between two sets of real numbers, the same definition that Dirichlet some three years later discovers independently of Lobachevsky (and is given the general credit for). This important paper was published in the Scientific Memoirs of the Kazan University. "Some of Lobachevsky's early papers, too, were on such nongeometrical subjects as algebra and the theoretical aspects of infinite series. Thus, in 1834 he published his paper "Algebra ili ischislenie konechnykh" ("Algebra, or Calculus of Finites"), of which most had been composed as early as 1825. The first issue of the "Uchenye zapiski" ("Scientific Memoirs") of Kazan University, founded by Lobachevsky, likewise carried his article "Ob ischezanii trigonometricheskikh strok" ("On the Convergence of Trigonometrical Series"). The chief thrust of his scientific endeavor was, however, geometrical, and his later work was devoted exclusively to his new non-Euclidean geometry." (DSB)

Copenhagen, 1930. Folio. Orig.hvellum. (14) pp. and 448 pp. of facsimiles (Photolitographs by Emil Pinkau & Co.,A-G, Leipzig). Corpus Codicum Islandicoruum Medii, Aevi, vol I. - The work contains in full size reproduction this world-famous manuscript.

Istanbul, Sirketi Mürettibye Matbaasi, 1933. 8vo. In contemporary full black cloth binding with gilt lettering to spine. Blindtooled frames to front and back board. Previous owner's name "Hüsnû Hizlan" in gilt lettering to front board. A fine and clean copy. (7), (1), (5)-305, (1), [errata-leaf] pp. Rare first Turkish book-length appearance of Marx’s landmark ‘Das Kapital’, being a translation of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, Haydar Rifat’s (Yorulmaz) 1933 translation Sermaye, which was based on an abridged French version (1897) of the original by Gabriel Deville. Exerting great effort for the formation of the leftist thought and discourse in the late Ottoman and early Republican periods, Haydar Rifat was a prominent translator acting as a culture entrepreneur in the cultivation of leftist ideas. In his preface to Sermaye, Rifat notes that only passing remarks are made on Marx’s works in the faculties of law and political sciences and accounts for his attempt to further introduce Marx and his ideology to the academia and the public as follows: Das Kapital, Karl Marx’s masterpiece, has been translated into all major languages, and numerous commentaries and interpretations on this work have been published by experts in modern countries. The translations, commentaries and interpretations of this work are so abundant that they quantitatively surpass the commentaries on all Holy Books; indeed, the works produced by various experts with different approaches under the title “Marxist Library” can fill up buildings. (Front the present work). "The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital." (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation). “He also refers to how he has had to deal with the challenges arising from the translation of certain terms and/or the absence of any expert on the field whom he could consult: While doing this short translation, I have encountered many difficulties. It is necessary to find equivalents for new terms, or rather the terms, which are new for us. The trouble arose not just from finding Turkish equivalents in line with the new course our language has taken, it also concerns the difficulty in finding any equivalent. Some of these words and terms were used for the first time, while I have replaced some others with alternative words and terms though they have been in use for the past five or ten years. I almost never go out. On those rare occasions when I leave home and go out, I can find almost nobody whom I can consult and discuss my translation. (Rifat 1933, 7)” Rifat concludes his lengthy preface with a humble, almost apologetic note stating that he would be more than willing to correct any mistakes in his translation that could potentially cause his readers difficulty and that he had consulted a whole list of experts, mainly economists, about the equivalents of certain terms and the general content of the translation. The preface actually ends with a list of the names of the experts to whom Rifat had sent a copy of his translation” (Konca, The Turkish Retranslations of Marx’s Das Kapital as a Site of Intellectual and Ideological Struggle) Rifat’s translation immediately triggered a series of articles and critiques in various journals and papers upon its publication.

Kiøbenhavn, F.C. Godiche, 1774. Nydeligt, velbevaret samtidigt hldrbind. Ophøjede bind på ryggen. Rig rygforgyldning. Skindtite. Øverste kapitæl slidt. Eksemplaret har tilhørt forfatteren Adolph Engelbert Boye, som i 1826 på ny udgave Kierlighed uden Strømper. Med hans navnetræk "Boye" på indersiden af forpermen og på fribladet. Med enkelte ortografiske rettelser i teksten, sandsynligvis i Boyes hånd Aldeles som førsteoplaget (1772) af største sjældenhed. Dette "Andet Oplag" adskiller sig kun fra førsteoplaget ved tilføjelsen på titelbladet "Andet Oplag" og ved, at en større vignet er erstattet med en mindre for at få plads til "Andet Oplag". Trykker og udgiver er de samme.

Paris, De Bure, 1740. 4to. Contemporary half calf, raised bands, richly gilt spine and and red speckled edges. Leather title-label to spine. Corners neatly repaired. Title in red/black. (2), III-XXX, (2) Errata, 148 pp., many diagrams. The "Preface" and the first 18 leaves of the text with a foxing to lower margin and right corners. The "Preface" is an historical account of Newton's method "la sublime méthode", written by Buffon. Without the leaf "Extrait des Registres". The influential first French edition of Newton's important work, which constitutes the most extensive description of the mathematical method he used in his famous "Principia", the method of infinitesimals, which was already written about 1671, but not published until 1736, i.e. posthumously, with the title "Method of Fluxions and Infinite Series...". In this work "Newton stated clearly the fundamental problem of the calculus: the relation of quantities being given, to find the relation of the fluxions of these, and conversely. In conformity with this problem and the new notation, Newton then gave examples of his method....In this book Newton introduced his characteristic notation and conceptions. He regarded his variable quantities as generated by the continuous motion of points, lines and planes, rather than as aggregates of infinitesimal elements, the view which had appeared in "De analysi"...The rate of generation Newton called a "fluxion", designating it by means of a letter with a dot over it, a "pricked letter", the quantity generates he called a "fluent".( Boyer, The History of the Calculus.).Colson (in his preface to the first edition from 1736) says: "I gladly embraced the opportunity that was put into my hands, of publishing this posthumous work, because I found it had been composed with that view and design. And that my own Country-men might first enjoy the benefit of this publication, I resolved upon giving it an English translation, with some additional remarks of my own, I thought it highly injurious to the memory and reputation of the real Author, as well as invidious to the glory of our own Nation, that so curious and useful a piece should be any longer suppress'd and confined to a few private hands, which ought to be communicated to all the learned World for general Instruction.It was through the French translations of his works that Newton came to play the seminal role as the most important of mathematicians that he did in France, and particularly the years around 1740, when the present work appeared in French for the first time were seminal to the scientific development in France, where the likes of Voltaire had only just made the nation acquinted with the work of the great mathematician. Gray No 236. Babson No 173.

Paris, Guillaume de la Noue, 1577. 8vo. In recent full limp vellum with yapp edges. Woodcut printer's device on title, woodcut headpieces and initials. Small closed tear to upper inner margin of title-page. First 33 ff. with small worm tract in inner margin, with minor loss of text. Light dampstaining to first and last leaves. A good copy. (36), 294, (6) pp. The exceedingly rare first French, and presumably very first overall, translation, of Machiavelli's Florentine Histories; his famous account of the political events and power struggles in Florence during the Renaissance. Essentially being a panegyric to the house of Medici, Machiavelli's work offers valuable insights into the rise and fall of political factions, the challenges faced by republican governments, and the dynamics of power in a city-state. Although often overshadowed by his more famous 'The Prince', the present work is important in understanding Machiavelli's broader political philosophy and is an indispensable document in understanding renaissance politics in general. The Histories constitute an essential work for understanding the political development of the late Machiavelli, and is “also an important item in modern historiography because for the first time the issue of conflict, and more precisely of urban conflict, finds itself at the heart of historical narrative (…).Infact, the Histories constitute the first attempt in modern historiography to analyze the totality of individual and collective agents and factors that allow a community to sustain itself or to founder. This analytical quality was certainly at the basis of the interest in the work outside Florence and the fact of its being translated. As Yves de Brinon explains in dedicating his ‘Histoire Florentine [the present work] to Cathrine de Medici, the case of Florence is a model for the dangers that threaten the integrity of every state and the Kingdom of France in Particular.” (Landi, A re-reading of Machiavelli). Machiavelli visited France, representing the Republic of Florence, where he - and later his writings - exercised great influence. The Huguenot, Innocent Gentillet, whose work commonly referred to as 'Discourse against Machiavelli' or 'Anti Machiavel', accused Machiavelli of being an atheist and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends" (Birely, The Counter Reformation, 1990). “Although Machiavelli became the embodiment of a real "devil theory of history," there was nothing supernatural or even suspicious about his journey across the Alps. As the French translator remarked to his customers in 1544, "This Florentine merchant has voluntarily left his own country to be received into yours.... Do not be so ungracious as to refuse him citizenship. From all appearances he was welcomed with open arms, or at least open minds. Within a few years, one of his admirers declared that he was a prophet honored more in France than in his own country." (Kelley, Murd'rous Machiavel in France: A Post Mortem). Following the crisis of 1513, which involved arrests for conspiracy and torture, Machiavelli's relationship with the Medici family gradually improved. Despite the dedication of his book "Il Principe" to Lorenzo II de' Medici having little effect, Machiavelli found favor with a faction in Florence that was not opposed to him and was granted an appointment. In a letter Machiavelli expressed his dissatisfaction with his idle state and offered his valuable political experience to the new ruler. To further solidify his position, Machiavelli, adopting a somewhat courtier-like attitude, arranged for the staging of his play "Mandragola" at the wedding of Lorenzino de' Medici in 1518. In 1520, he received an invitation to Lucca for a semi-private mission, indicating that his ostracism was coming to an end. Later that year, Giulio Cardinal de Medici commissioned him to write a history of Florence. Although this was not exactly the role he desired, Machiavelli accepted it as the only way to regain the favor of the Medicis. The purpose of the work, although unofficial, was to restore the city's official historical standing. The salary for this appointment was not substantial, starting at 57 florins per year and later increased to 100. In May 1526, Machiavelli formally presented the finished work to Giulio de' Medici, who had become Pope Clement VII. The Pope appreciated the work and rewarded Machiavelli, though only moderately, and sought his support in creating a national army based on his theoretical work "The Art of War," in preparation for the War of the League of Cognac. However, Machiavelli's hopes were shattered following the Sack of Rome in 1527 and the fall of the Medici government in Florence. Soon after, Machiavelli passed away. This exceedingly scarce first French edition was issued with two variant title-pages, the present referred to as variant-b. (see Gerber, Niccolo Machiavelli). Bibliopgraphia Machiavelliana, p. 60, no. 160. Gerber, dritter teil, p. 37, D-b. Brunet 1279.

Copenhagen, 1930. No.1005 fol.in the royal collection in the Royal Library of Copenhagen. With an Introduction by Finnur Jonsson. . Folio. Orig.hvellum. (14) pp. and 448 pp. of facsimiles(photolithographs by Emil Pinkau & Co.,A-G, Leipzig). Corpus Codicum Islandicorum Medii Aevi,vol.I. - The work contains in full size reproduction this world-famous manuscript.

A Amsterdam, 1735. 4to. 3 cont.full mottled calf. Raised bands, richly gilt backs. Extremities with small traces of use, slight weakening to parts of hinge, top of spine on vol. II with loss of leather ca 1x2 cm. Internally fine on good paper. 2 engr.frontisp. (with portraits), 3 engr.titlevign., 3 large engr. textvignettes. (12),390,(4),359,(4),437 pp. and 78 mostly large folded engraved plates (maps,plans,views etc.). - To this second edition was published a 4th volume which contains the author's previously published work "Couronnement de Soliman III" and extracts from the author's manuscript, this supplementary volume is not present here, but the 3 volumes contain the whole travel and all the plates belonging to these 3 volumes. Rare second edition of Chardin's travels, regarded as being one of the finest works of early Western scholarship on Persia and the Near East in general. "Thought to have been read by writers such as Montesquieu and Rousseau, Chardin's account stands apart from those of other travellers to the region (Caucasus) at this time through its awareness of cultural difference and relativity and in its desire to place accuracy above romanticism." (Speake, The Literature of Travel and Exploration, 1).Chardin set out from Paris for Persia and India. He reached Ispahan 1673, spent four years in Persia, visited India and returned by the Good Hope in 1677. The first volume contains the trip from Paris to Isfahan, the second contains a particular description of Isfahan and the relation of the author's two voyages, from Ispahan to Bander-Abassi, the third contains a general description of the Persian empire and the particular descriptions of the sciences and arts which are in use therein, of political, military, and civil government.Born in Paris in a Hugenot (Protestant) family, Jean Chardin (1643-1713) undertook his travels to Persia because of his father's position as a jeweler and shareholder in the French East India Company. The younger Chardin set out in 1664, traveling through Turkey, the Black Sea, Georgia and Armenia. Soon after his arrival in Persia, he received a commission to create jewelry for Shah Abbas II, who died in 1666 and was succeeded by Shah Safi. After witnessing the latter's coronation, Chardin went on India and finally returned to Paris in 1670. In 1671, he published an account of the coronation and in the same year set off for Persia again, arriving in Isfahan in 1673 and remaining there for several years, before once more visiting India and returning home in 1677. With the persecution of the Hugenots in France, he moved to England in 1680"Travel restarted with 17th-century missionaries, whose medical and pedagogical expertise helped counterbalance Orthodox (or pagan) reservations. Dominican Prefects Dortelli D'Ascoli and Giovanni da Lucca (1630s) extended Giorgio Interiano's description of Circassia (and Abkhazia). Theatine proselytisers targeted Mingrelia/western Georgia (Capuchins the eastern provinces) - the Vatican's Fide Press further contributed by printing the first Georgian books (Chikobava/Vateishvili). Many, including mission-head Don Pietro Avitabile (1626-1638), recounted their experiences. Prefect to Mingrelia, Joseph Marie Zampi, a 23-year denizen from approximately 1645, contributed a third significant source in his description of Mingrelian religious practice. This he handed to Jean Chardin (1643-1713) in 1672. A French traveller who became English(!) ambassador in Holland, Chardin translated and incorporated it as a substantial part of his own description of a sometimes perilous journey through Transcaucasia (1672-3), which reflects Ottoman and Persian influence in western and eastern parts, respectively - a Turkish organized slave-trade flourished from various Mingrelian ports. Linguistically, Zampi revealingly observed that the ecclesiastical language, Georgian, was as difficult for even the Mingrelian priesthood to understand as Latin was for Italian peasants!" (Speake, The Literature of Travel and Exploration, 1, 199-202).Brunet 1802Graesse II, P. 121

Indbundet i 85 samt. hldrbd., her og der med brugsspor samt 1 papbd. Et bind med de første blade beskadiget og manglende forperm. Enkelte kobbere synes at mangle. Ialt mangler 5 bind af rækken (= Nyt Bibliothek..bd. 22,27,31,37 og 38). Tidsskriftet er af uvurderlig betydning for den videnskabelige medicins udvkling i Danmark med dets indhold af originale bidrag, oversættelser af de udenlandske videnskabelige landvindinger samt de kritiske anmeldelser af den nyeste litteratur.

Weimar, Geographischen Instituts, 1807-13. Folio-oblong. (38 x 48 cm.). Contemp hcalf. Spine a little rubbed. A paperlabel pasted on upper part of spine. Corners bumped. Stamp on "Netz-Karte"/ "Tableau". With 3 other "Netz-Karte" on verso of Sect. 3,11 a. 14. The engraved title-page (in French) present as Sect. 10. With all 204 engraved plates (203 maps). The maps clean and fine throughout.

Berlin, Gebrüder Paetel, 1891. Large8vo. In a nice contemporary half calf binding with 5 raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. In "Deutsche Rundschau", Band 67, 1891. Green leather title-label and red leather tome-label to spine, Small paper label pasted on to top left corner of front board. Two stamps to first leaf and one stamp to P. 476. Light wear to extremities, internally very fine and clean. Pp. 357-390. [Entire volume: IV, 480 pp.] The Exceedingly rare first (and only 19th century) translation of Darwin's first published work "Letters on Geology" from 1835. The pamphlet was initially published without Darwin's consent and he was "a good deal horrified" when he learned about the publication, which explains the posthumous translation. The work contains extracts from ten letters written by Darwin to John Stevens Henslow (1796-1861) during his five-year voyage on the Beagle. Henslow, the charismatic and well-connected Regis Professor of Botany at Cambridge, was Darwin's close friend and first mentor in natural history and responsible for obtaining for Darwin his position as ship's naturalist aboard the Beagle. Henslow had this pamphlet printed without Darwin's knowledge for distribution amongst the members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society "in consequence of the interest which has been excited by some of the Geological notices which they contain, and which were read at a Meeting of the Society on the 16th of November 1835" an act which secured Darwin's reputation with the scientific community even before his return to England in October, 1836. "It has always been assumed that it was issued, to members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, in December 1835 and this is probably so , but I have not seen a copy with a dated ownership inscription, or accession stamp, for that year" (Freeman).The original pamphlet was reprinted in facsimile in 1960, again for private circulation in the Cambridge Philosophical Society and for friends of that Society. Only two translations has been made: The present first and a Russian from 1959 (Freeman 7).Freeman No. 6.

Frankfurt a. Main, Hummen, 1641. Folio. Contemp. full vellum. Handwritten title on spine. Spine a bit stained. A few small repairs on edges. Stamps on foot of engraved title-page. (A printed title-page not published). Erratic pagination. First textleaf is a dedication-leaf, signed A3 and numbered as p. 5 (but complete). (2),5-202,(10),(2-blank). 7 (of 8) engraved parttitles to part I. 180 (numb. I-CCC) + 55 (numb. I-CX) engraved plates with 410 engravings. Many double-page plates including 1 large engraved folded plan of Strasbourg (strenghtened on verso). Some misnumbering to both textleaves and plates. A few plates with marginal dampstains. First latin edition. A translation of Dilich's German edition of 1640 "Peribologia oder Bericht Wilhelmi Dilichij Hist: Von Vestungs gebewen". Dilich is the best-known German writer on fortification of his time, he had studied at Cassel and at the University of Marburg. He spent long periods of time in Holland and then became the historian, geographer and architect of Maurice, Elector of Saxony (joint dedication to the work).Dilich was the "The best-known German writer on fortification of his time, Dilich had studied at Cassel and at the University of Marburg. He spent long periods of time in Holland and then became the historian, geographer and architect of Maurice, Elector of Saxony (joint dedicatee of the Latin edition of 1641); poems praising his treatise address him also as a mathematician... His outlines for fortified city plans are somewhat influenced by Francesco de’ Marchi’s, but have even more extensive outworks; Dilich clearly supported a fortification system based on the "tenaille", a predilection partially announced by his title (Peribologia = study of the circumference [of a sanctuary]). Nonetheless, many of his fortified city plans contain elaborate proposals for urban compositions of streets, squares and building lots" (Pollak, no. 14).Ornamentstich-Sammlung, Berlin, 3526. - Cockle, 832 (German ed.) - Klaus Jordan, 895.

Kiøbenhavn, Johan Rudolph Thiele, (1797) 1799. 4to. Uncut and unopened in original blue boards. Published in: "Nye Samling af det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter." Vol. V. Wessel's paper: pp.469-518 and 3 folded engraved plates (the last plate inserted at p. 463). The whole volume V offered in its original binding. Engraved titlevignette. XII,670 pp., 15 engraved plates. 4 leaves with upper right corners gone, not affecting Wessel's paper. First edition of this important first systematical treatment of the theory of complex numbers and at the same time, the first work to add vectors in three-dimensional space."Wessel’s fame as a mathematician is based entirely on one paper, written in Danish and published in the Mémoires of the Royal Danish Academy, that established his priority in publication of the geometric representation of complex numbers. John Wallis had given a geometric representation of the complex roots of quadratic equations in 1685; Gauss had had the idea as early as 1799 but did not explicitly publish it until 1831. Robert Argand’s independent publication in 1806 must be credited as the source of this concept in modern mathematics because Wessel’s work remained essentially unknown until 1895, when its significance was pointed out by Christian Juel. The title of Wessel’s treatise calls it an "attempt" to give an analytic representation of both distance and direction that could be used to solve plane and spherical polygons. The connection of this goal with Wessel’s work as a surveyor and cartographer is obvious. The statement of the problem also suggests that Wessel should be credited with an early formulation of vector addition. In fact, Michael J. Crowe, in A History of Vector Analysis (University of Notre Dame Press, 1967), defines the first period in that history as that of a search for hypercomplex numbers to be used in space analysis and dates it from the time of Wessel, whom he calls the first to add vectors in three-dimensional space." (DSB).

Stockholm, Henrik A. Nordström, 1797-1801. 8vo. Uncut, partly unopened in the original wrappers. In 22 volumes as issued. Last volume name written on title-page, otherwise an exceptionally fine, clean and untouched set rarely seen in this condition. (4),102 pp.; (2),182 pp.; (2),107 pp.; (2),157,(1) pp.; (2),176,(4) pp.; (4),138,(2) pp.; (2),205,(1) pp. + 1 folded table; (2),188 pp; (2),190 pp.; (2),89,(4) pp.; (4),135,(1) pp.; (2),116,(1) pp.; (2),157 pp.; (2),120 pp.; (2),151,(1 blank,10) pp. + 1 folded map; (2),215 pp. + 1 folded table; (2),131,(5) pp.; (4),207 pp.; (2),183,(1) pp. + 1 folded table; (2),218 pp.; (2),144,(4) pp.; (6),449,(1) pp. + 5 folded plates."Om Beskatning", Part: 36, 37, 38:Pp. 145-177"Om Jordbrukets förfall i Europa, efter Romerska Väldets undergäng", Part: 27, 28. Pp. 93-120"Om Handelsbalancen", Part: 25,26. Pp. 92-114"Om Jordbruks-systemet I en Rikshushållning, samt om Economisterne I Frankrike", Part: 25-26. Pp. 43-92"Om Pappers-myntet I Norr-Amerika Kolonierne, före Revolutionen". Part: 27-28. Pp.57-62"Om Krono-jord". Part: 29,30,31. Pp 139-146."Theorien för statsskulder". Part: 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49 & 50. Pp. 151-161. First, however partial, translation of Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations in Swedish rarely seen in this condition, thus making it the very first opportunity for Swedish speakers to study Adam Smith. A more lengthy translation was made in 1909 - 1911 but to this day a full Swedish translation has not been made."Von Schulzenheim [nobleman, physician, country squire and politician] also published shorter articles in the review 'Läsning I blandade ämnen', an organ of the opposition to the absolutist and obscurantist regime of Gustavus IV Adolphus. The editor of the review was count Georg Adlersparre, an army officer and a political writer who in 1809 was to become one of the prime-movers behind the dethronement of the king. Adlersparre to was an admirer of Adam Smith. In 1799-1800 he published in the 'Läsning' his own Swedish translation of several selections from Wealth of Nations. In some cases Adlersparre added footnotes, making it easier for the readers to apply Smith's ideas to Swedish conditions. Those translations, to the best of my knowledge, were the first ones of Wealth of Nations in Sweden. They were followed by translations of other parts of Wealth of Nations, published in 1800 amd 1808. This time the translator was Erik Erland Bodell, an official of the Swedish Customs and thus, if you like, a colleague of Adam Smith." ( Cheng-chung, Adam Smith Across Nations). Despite the comparatively late translation into Swedish, it still had a profound influence, not on economists since they were well aware of the original work in English, but upon politics and public opinion in general: "There are few things more striking to the modem student of the history of ideas in Sweden than the negative phenomenon that Sweden was almost entirely uninfluenced by this fact and thus remained almost unaffected by English economic thought during a period when its superiority was most evident. As far as I am acquainted with the Swedish economic discussion and our popular economic literature of the 1860's and 1870's, there is almost no trace of any influence from English writers. [...]Of Adam Smith we have still only one abbreviated translation of his famous work and that was published as late as during this century; and, as far as I know, nothing of Ricardo's or Malthus' exists in Swedish, nor do any of the major economic works of J.S. Mill." (Heckscher, A survey of economic thought in Sweden, 1875-1950).The journal was preceded by Adlersparre's "Läsning för landtmän" 1795-96. The content is a mixture of literature, agriculture, law, philosophy and politics. Apart from the many contributions by Swedish authors, "Läsning i blandade ämnen" also contains texts by Kant, Gibbon and De Lolme OCLC lists copies at Yale, Minnesota, and Texas.

Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1896 a. 1898. 4to. Bound in 2 contemp. hcloth, spines gilt and with gilt lettering. In: "Comptes Rendus Hebdomadaires des Séances de L'Academie des Sciences", Tome 122 a. 127. - 1633 pp. + 1302 pp. Both with halftitle and title-page. Title-pages with a punched stamp to lower margin. The papers (tome 122:) pp. 420-421, 501-503, 559-564, 689-694, 762-767, 1086-1088. (Tome 127:) pp. 175-178, 1215-1217, 1218. Internally clean and fine. First appearance of the landmark papers in which Becquerel documents his discovery of Radio-activity, PROMPTING THE NUCLEAR AGE, and the papers which the Curies announced the discoveries of the 2 elements Polonium and Radium.Becquerel was an expert in fluorescence and phosphorescence, continuing the work of his father and grandfather. Follwing the discovery of X-rays by Röntgen, Bexquerel investigated fluorescent materials to see if they also emitted X-rays. He exposed a fluorescent uranium salt, pechblende, to light and then placed it on a wrapped photographic plate.He found that a faint image was left on the plate, which he believed was due to the pichblende emitting the light it had absorbed as a more penetrating radiation.. However, by chace, he left a sample that had not been exposed to light on top of a photographic plate in a drawer. he noticed that the photographic plate also had a a faint image of the pechblende. After several chemical tests he concluded that these "Becquerel rays" were a property of atoms. He had, by chace, discovered radio-activity and prompted thee beginning of the nuclear age. He shared the Nobel Prize for Physics in 1903 with Marie and Pierre Curie. The "Becquerel Rays" were later discovered to be a composite of three forms of emanation, distinguished by Rutherford as alpha, beta and gamma rays.Dibner: 163 (the later Mémoire from 1903) - PMM: 393 (1903- Mémoire) - Garrison & Morton: 2001 (only the first paper). - Magie "A Sourve Book in Physics" p. 610 ff. - Norman:157. "The Curie's owned their success to an extremely sensitive electroscopic apparatus constructed by Pierre and his brother Jacques, which made possible a "new method of chemical analysis based on the precise measurement of radium emitted, a method still in use."(DSB).Becquerel's discovery of the radioactive properties of uranium (1896) inspired Marie and Pierre Curie to investigate radiation. They reported their researches in a series of papers from 1897 in the Comptes rendus. First they isolated a new substance about three hundred times as active as radium. This they called Polonium in honour of Marie's native Poland. A further examnination of the residue of Pitchblende after the removal of uranium and polonium disclosed residual radio-activity far greater than was possessed by either substance alone. To this material the name Radium was given. The radium was found to be about two million times as radio-active as uranium.Garrison & Morton: 2003. - Magie "A Source Book in Physics" p. 613 ff.

Istanbul, Sirketi Mürettibye Matbaasi, 1933. 8vo. In a recent full black leather binding with four raised bands and gilt lettering to spine and front board. Blindtooled frames to front and back board. A fine and clean copy. (7), (1), (5)-305, (1), [errata-leaf] pp. Rare first Turkish book-length appearance of Marx’s landmark ‘Das Kapital’, being a translation of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, Haydar Rifat’s (Yorulmaz) 1933 translation Sermaye, which was based on an abridged French version (1897) of the original by Gabriel Deville. Exerting great effort for the formation of the leftist thought and discourse in the late Ottoman and early Republican periods, Haydar Rifat was a prominent translator acting as a culture entrepreneur in the cultivation of leftist ideas. In his preface to Sermaye, Rifat notes that only passing remarks are made on Marx’s works in the faculties of law and political sciences and accounts for his attempt to further introduce Marx and his ideology to the academia and the public as follows: Das Kapital, Karl Marx’s masterpiece, has been translated into all major languages, and numerous commentaries and interpretations on this work have been published by experts in modern countries. The translations, commentaries and interpretations of this work are so abundant that they quantitatively surpass the commentaries on all Holy Books; indeed, the works produced by various experts with different approaches under the title “Marxist Library” can fill up buildings. (Front the present work). "The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital." (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation). “He also refers to how he has had to deal with the challenges arising from the translation of certain terms and/or the absence of any expert on the field whom he could consult: While doing this short translation, I have encountered many difficulties. It is necessary to find equivalents for new terms, or rather the terms, which are new for us. The trouble arose not just from finding Turkish equivalents in line with the new course our language has taken, it also concerns the difficulty in finding any equivalent. Some of these words and terms were used for the first time, while I have replaced some others with alternative words and terms though they have been in use for the past five or ten years. I almost never go out. On those rare occasions when I leave home and go out, I can find almost nobody whom I can consult and discuss my translation. (Rifat 1933, 7)” Rifat concludes his lengthy preface with a humble, almost apologetic note stating that he would be more than willing to correct any mistakes in his translation that could potentially cause his readers difficulty and that he had consulted a whole list of experts, mainly economists, about the equivalents of certain terms and the general content of the translation. The preface actually ends with a list of the names of the experts to whom Rifat had sent a copy of his translation” (Konca, The Turkish Retranslations of Marx’s Das Kapital as a Site of Intellectual and Ideological Struggle) Rifat’s translation immediately triggered a series of articles and critiques in various journals and papers upon its publication.

London, Macmillan, 1968. Large8vo. In contemporary full green cloth with gilt lettering to spine. In "Nature", vol. 220, 1968. Entire vol. 220, October - December offered. Small white paper label pasted on to lower part of spine. Stamps to fore edges. Pasted down- and free end-papers with stamps and paper labels from Gettysburg College Library. "Withdrawn"-stamps to pasted down front end-paper and front free end-paper. P. 650. [Entire volume: (2), 1366, III- XXVIII pp.]. First appearance of this short paper in which the taxonomy of coronaviruses is first presented and which also coins the name “Coronavirus”, accepted by the International Committee for the Nomenclature of Viruses. Human coronaviruses were discovered in the 1960'ies and by mid-1967 it was recognized that viruses IBV, MHV, B814 and 229E were structurally and biologically similar so that they form a distinct group. Using electron microscopy, the three viruses were shown to be morphologically related by their general shape and distinctive club-like spikes. Tyrrell met Waterson and Almeida in London to decide on the name of the viruses. Almeida had earlier suggested the term "influenza-like" because of their resemblance, but Tyrrell thought it inappropriate and not very precise. Almeida came up with the unusual name "coronavirus". “Even though we could only base our judgement on the electron microscope images we were quite certain that we had identified a previously unrecognized group of viruses. So what should we call them? 'Influenza-like' seemed a bit feeble, somewhat vague, and probably misleading. We looked more closely at the appearance of the new viruses and noticed that they had a kind of halo surrounding them. Recourse to a dictionary produced the Latin equivalent, corona, and so the name coronavirus was born.” (Cold Wars: The Fight Against the Common Cold) “Particles [of IBV] are more or less rounded in profile; although there is a certain amount of polymorphism, there is also a characteristic "fringe" of projections 200 Å long, which are rounded or petal shaped, rather than sharp or pointed, as in the myxoviruses. This appearance, recalling the solar corona, is shared by mouse hepatitis virus and several viruses recently recovered from man, namely strain B814, 229E and several others... In the opinion of the eight virologists these viruses are members of a previously unrecognized group which they suggest should be called the coronaviruses, to recall the characteristic appearance by which these viruses are identified in the electron microscope.” (From the present paper).

Venetia, Pietro Dusinelli, 1586. Folio. Nice later (around 1950) half polished calf, raised bands, 4 compartments gilt. Titlepage with a beautifull renaissance caryatid border in woodcut and with the coat of arms of the Duke of Aragon. Title with 2 small stamps. (4),92 leaves + 2 unnumbered leaves (at sign. T) with illustrations. Having 6 full-page and 29 smaller woodcut-iullustr. and 2 unnumb. plates. Clean and fine, with the illustrations in strong impressions. The opening initial in the preface has been cut out, with a bit of loss of a few letters on verso. The very rare first edition, the only edition in the original form, of Collado's famous work, being "the first really detailed, well-illustrated technical manual on both the theory and practice of artillery" (A.R. Hall in Ballistics in the 17th century)."The greatest interest of this work as far as pyrotechnics are concerned is contained in Chapter 11 which is entitled, "Of...fires which can be adopted for use in times of festivity...The text of the 1586 edition describes these items (a line rocket, a vertical and horizontal wheel, and a device called Spanish 'Las Granadas'), but they are not illustrated. This book contains some of the earliest and fullest descriptions of recreative fireworks." (Chris Philip, C 070.4)."Very rare, and one of the earliest works, if not the earliest, dealing exclusively with artillery. The numerous types of cannon figured are of great interest, while the work itself represents a fine specimen of typography." (Sotheran, Bibliotheca Chemico-Mathematica, vol. I, no 6987.Cockle (No 664) calls it "Very rare; the only ed. of the original form of Collado's famous work, Ayala, nor having seen it, gives the trans. of the Spanish "Platica" as a reprint of it."(Cockle). The "Platica" is a Spanish translation from 1592.

Kiøbenhaffn, Tyge Nielssøn, 1634. 4to. Samtidigt helldrbd. Ophøjede bind på ryggen. Rygforgyldning. Reparationer ved kapitæler. Falsen ved nederste rygfelt med revne og reparation. Indre false med gl. forstærkning således at det ikke helt kan afgøres, om teksten er indsat i et andet bind end det oprindelige. Titelbladet trykt i rødt og sort indenfor en røskenramme. (16),158 pp. (= 1-157, (158) er Errata. Ganske velbevaret og bredrandet. Tekst lettere brunet. Det yderst sjældne originaltryk af Bielckes væsentligste bidrag til revisionen af den norske Lowbog. Eksemplaret her har Errata-bladet, som iflg. Thesaurus kun findes i nogle få eksemplarer af værket. Bielcke blev i 1614 Norges Riges kansler og i dette embede blev han øverste chef for rigets retsvæsen. - Bogtrykkeren Tyge Nielssøn blev Norges første bogtrykker, idet han i 1643 flyttede sit trykkeri til Christiania.Bibl. Danica I,639. - Thesaurus I,383.

Amstelodami (Amsterdam), Johannes Jacobi Schipperi, 1657. Folio. Bound in one later (ca. 1800) hcalf w. marbled boards, uncut. Back w. six raised bands and coloured title-labels. Hinges, capitals and corners w. traces of use. First 12 leaves of "De Piscibus" w. repair to lower margin (ca. 4 x 10 cm. and decreasing) w. waterstaining around it, neither repair nor waterstaining affecting text or illustrations. Otherwise internally nice and clean. Engr. t-p. and 48 engr. plates (most of them depicting between 7 and 20 animals that live in water), 5, (3), 160 pp. (De Piscibus) + woodcut title-vignette and 20 engr. plates (most of them depicting between 10 and 20 shell-fish etc.), 58, (2) pp. Second edition of both works. The "Exanguibus Aquaticis" is in accordance with Nissen's description of the second edition (Nissen 2134), the second edition of the "De Piscibus", however, is described in Nissen without year and as containing 47 plates, as the first edition, whereas this copy has 48 plates (all numbered), place and printer are the same. The first editions were both printed in Frankfurt in 1650. Johnston (1603 - 1675) was born in Poland and of Scottish descend, he was primarily a medic and natural historian. His works are usually seen as compilations of information with no personal judgment accompanying it. None the less his works of natural history were of great importance to the growing interest in this field of the time. "For example four of his dictionary-style works on fish, birds, quadrupeds, and insects -published between 1650 and 1653 with excellent illustrations- were widely read and translated" (D.S.B. VII:164). Though he relied a lot on the writings of others (e.g. those of Aldrovandi), his works became of great importance, first of all because of their new educational approach, but they were also of paramount importance to the development of natural history in Japan. The first collected edition in Dutch of the Historia Naturalis published at Amsterdam in 1660, was presented as a gift to the Japanese ruler Shogun Yoshimune. It was the only source of knowledge of western natural history in Japan, until in 1750. "Jonston's writings were a useful contribution to seventeenth-century thought, although he was not in the forefront of changing concepts of the time." (D.S.B. VII:165).These two works are the separate volumes three and four of Johnston's six-volume work "Historia Naturalis". All the beautifully executed plates are by Merian, who printed the first edition. Wood mentions this 1657-edition as the "editio princeps" (Wood p. 409). Nissen 2133 + 2134.