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Copenhagen, 1930. No.1005 fol.in the royal collection in the Royal Library of Copenhagen. With an Introduction by Finnur Jonsson. . Folio. Orig.hvellum. (14) pp. and 448 pp. of facsimiles(photolithographs by Emil Pinkau & Co.,A-G, Leipzig). Corpus Codicum Islandicorum Medii Aevi,vol.I. - The work contains in full size reproduction this world-famous manuscript.

Frankfurt a. Main, Hummen, 1641. Folio. Contemp. full vellum. Handwritten title on spine. Spine a bit stained. A few small repairs on edges. Stamps on foot of engraved title-page. (A printed title-page not published). Erratic pagination. First textleaf is a dedication-leaf, signed A3 and numbered as p. 5 (but complete). (2),5-202,(10),(2-blank). 7 (of 8) engraved parttitles to part I. 180 (numb. I-CCC) + 55 (numb. I-CX) engraved plates with 410 engravings. Many double-page plates including 1 large engraved folded plan of Strasbourg (strenghtened on verso). Some misnumbering to both textleaves and plates. A few plates with marginal dampstains. First latin edition. A translation of Dilich's German edition of 1640 "Peribologia oder Bericht Wilhelmi Dilichij Hist: Von Vestungs gebewen". Dilich is the best-known German writer on fortification of his time, he had studied at Cassel and at the University of Marburg. He spent long periods of time in Holland and then became the historian, geographer and architect of Maurice, Elector of Saxony (joint dedication to the work).Dilich was the "The best-known German writer on fortification of his time, Dilich had studied at Cassel and at the University of Marburg. He spent long periods of time in Holland and then became the historian, geographer and architect of Maurice, Elector of Saxony (joint dedicatee of the Latin edition of 1641); poems praising his treatise address him also as a mathematician... His outlines for fortified city plans are somewhat influenced by Francesco de’ Marchi’s, but have even more extensive outworks; Dilich clearly supported a fortification system based on the "tenaille", a predilection partially announced by his title (Peribologia = study of the circumference [of a sanctuary]). Nonetheless, many of his fortified city plans contain elaborate proposals for urban compositions of streets, squares and building lots" (Pollak, no. 14).Ornamentstich-Sammlung, Berlin, 3526. - Cockle, 832 (German ed.) - Klaus Jordan, 895.

Kiøbenhavn, Godiche,1763-81. 4to. Indbundet i 7 ensartede, lidt senere, hldrbd. i flammet kalv. Rygforgyldning og forgyldte skindtitler på rygge. Stempel på titelblade. Spredte brunpletter og spredte svage skjolder især i de første bind. Letter brugsspor. Med samtlige 295 kobberstukne plancher, prospekter, kort etc. Nogle af kortene er opklæbet, enkelte repareret for rifter. En del plancher med bruning i marginer og foldninger. Originaltrykket af Danmarks topografiske hovedværk, her på trykpapir og med det ofte manglende bind 7 som omhandler Slesvig.

Istanbul, Sirketi Mürettibye Matbaasi, 1933. 8vo. In contemporary full black cloth binding with gilt lettering to spine. Blindtooled frames to front and back board. Previous owner's name "Hüsnû Hizlan" in gilt lettering to front board. A fine and clean copy. (7), (1), (5)-305, (1), [errata-leaf] pp. Rare first Turkish book-length appearance of Marx’s landmark ‘Das Kapital’, being a translation of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, Haydar Rifat’s (Yorulmaz) 1933 translation Sermaye, which was based on an abridged French version (1897) of the original by Gabriel Deville. Exerting great effort for the formation of the leftist thought and discourse in the late Ottoman and early Republican periods, Haydar Rifat was a prominent translator acting as a culture entrepreneur in the cultivation of leftist ideas. In his preface to Sermaye, Rifat notes that only passing remarks are made on Marx’s works in the faculties of law and political sciences and accounts for his attempt to further introduce Marx and his ideology to the academia and the public as follows: Das Kapital, Karl Marx’s masterpiece, has been translated into all major languages, and numerous commentaries and interpretations on this work have been published by experts in modern countries. The translations, commentaries and interpretations of this work are so abundant that they quantitatively surpass the commentaries on all Holy Books; indeed, the works produced by various experts with different approaches under the title “Marxist Library” can fill up buildings. (Front the present work). "The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital." (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation). “He also refers to how he has had to deal with the challenges arising from the translation of certain terms and/or the absence of any expert on the field whom he could consult: While doing this short translation, I have encountered many difficulties. It is necessary to find equivalents for new terms, or rather the terms, which are new for us. The trouble arose not just from finding Turkish equivalents in line with the new course our language has taken, it also concerns the difficulty in finding any equivalent. Some of these words and terms were used for the first time, while I have replaced some others with alternative words and terms though they have been in use for the past five or ten years. I almost never go out. On those rare occasions when I leave home and go out, I can find almost nobody whom I can consult and discuss my translation. (Rifat 1933, 7)” Rifat concludes his lengthy preface with a humble, almost apologetic note stating that he would be more than willing to correct any mistakes in his translation that could potentially cause his readers difficulty and that he had consulted a whole list of experts, mainly economists, about the equivalents of certain terms and the general content of the translation. The preface actually ends with a list of the names of the experts to whom Rifat had sent a copy of his translation” (Konca, The Turkish Retranslations of Marx’s Das Kapital as a Site of Intellectual and Ideological Struggle) Rifat’s translation immediately triggered a series of articles and critiques in various journals and papers upon its publication.

Copenhagen, 1930. Folio. Orig.hvellum. (14) pp. and 448 pp. of facsimiles (Photolitographs by Emil Pinkau & Co.,A-G, Leipzig). Corpus Codicum Islandicoruum Medii, Aevi, vol I. - The work contains in full size reproduction this world-famous manuscript.

Weimar, Geographischen Instituts, 1807-13. Folio-oblong. (38 x 48 cm.). Contemp hcalf. Spine a little rubbed. A paperlabel pasted on upper part of spine. Corners bumped. Stamp on "Netz-Karte"/ "Tableau". With 3 other "Netz-Karte" on verso of Sect. 3,11 a. 14. The engraved title-page (in French) present as Sect. 10. With all 204 engraved plates (203 maps). The maps clean and fine throughout.

London, John Murray, (1821), 1822, 1823. Wirhout wrappers as extracted from "The Quarterly Journal of Science and the Arts. (The Royal Institution of Great Britain)", vol. XII a. XV. Half-title and title-page to vol. XII, pp. 74-96 a. pp. 416-421 and 1 engraved plate (showing Faraday's apparatus for illustrating electromagnetic rotation). Title-page to vol. XV. Pp. 288-292. The plate slightly brownspotted. First appearance of these three papers in which Faraday records one of the most influential discoveries in physics in the 19th Century; - with these papers he is the very first to show how to CONVERT THE ELECTRICAL AND MAGNETIC FORCES INTO CONTINUAL MECHANICAL MOVEMENT, thus creating the first electric motor, using the principle of electromagnetic rotation. In the first paper he introduced for the first time the concept of "LINE OF FORCE", hereby delineating "a picture of the universe as consisting of fields of various types, one that was more subtle, flexible, and useful than the purely mechanical picture of Galileo and Newton. The FIELD UNIVERSE was to be recognized with Maxwell half a century later and with Einstein, after an interval of another half century" (Asimov)."Ever since Hans Christian Oersted's announcement of the discovery of electromagnetism in the summer of 1820, editors of scientific journals had been inundated with articles on the phenomenon. Theories to explain it had multiplied, and the net effect was confusion. Were all the effects reported real? Did the theories fit the facts? It was to answer these questions that Phillips turned to Faraday and asked him to review the experiments and theories of the past months and separate truth from fiction,...Faraday agreed to undertake a short historical survey...His enthusiasm was aroused in September 1821, when he turned to the investigation of the peculiar nature of the magnetic force created by an electrical current. Oersted had spoken of the "electrical conflict" surrounding the wire and had noted that "this conflict performs circles".....Yet as he experimented he saw precisely what was happening. Using a small magnetic needle to map the pattern of magnetic force, he noted that one of the poles of the needle turned in a circle as it was carried around the wire. He immediately realized that a single magnetic pole would rotate unceasingly around a current-carrying wire so long as the current flowed. He then set about devising an instrument to illustrate this effect. His paper "On some new Electro-Magnetical Motion, and on the Theory of Magnetism" appeared in the 21 October 1821 issue of the "Quarterly Journal of Science" (The paper offered). It records the first conversion of electrical into mechanical energy. It also contained the first notion of the line of force." (DSB IV, pp. 533).

Firenze, Nella Stamperia S.A.R. Per Gio: Gaetano, e Sant Franchi, 1717. 4to. Contemporary full vellum with handwritten title to spine. A bit of wear to capitals and a bit of minor soiling to boards, but a fine and handsome copy. Inner hinges a bit weak. Internally nice and clean, with just a bit of light minor occasional brownspotting. Large engraved pictorial vignette (heading: Accdemia Fiorentina) to title-page. Very nice woodcut vignettes and initials throughout. XXXI, (1), 676, (2, - Approvazioni) pp. [Viviani's Galilei-biography: pp. 397-431]. First edition of this extensive work of biographies of the people of the Florentine Academy. Among the dozens of biographies in the present work, we have the first printing of Viviani's seminal biography of Galilei, the first, and by far the most important biography of the great astronomer ever written. It is from this biography that we have most of the canonical stories and anecdotes about Galilei that keep being repeated and quoted - e.g. the legend of Galilei demonstrating to his students that Aristotle was wrong about speed of fall being related to the weight of an object by dropping balls of different mass off the leaning tower in Pisa; the stories of how he came up with the idea of the pendulum after having watched a suspended lamp swing back and forth in the cathedral of Pisa when he was still a student there - and furthermore also how his first experiments with pendulums were carried out (by his son due to his own failing eyesight), etc., etc.Vincenzo Viviani (1622-1703) considered himself Galilei's last pupil and he spent most of his life reinstating the ideas of Galilei. He was merely 20 years old when his master died, and he was present at the bedside of the dying master as well as at the removal of his body. Thus, he was a direct witness to many of the events that took place in Galilei's life, and as such he is an indispensible biographer - especially seeing that no other person had attempted a biograhy of the great astronomer. After Galielei's death, Viviani was granted a pension by the King of France, in exchange for him writing a great, massive biography of his master. This planned massive work never came about, though, - probably due to both fear of retaliation, inabilty to reconcile geometry with the dogmas of faith, and finally a general fear of what such a biography could carry with it politically, etc. (he had apparantly also been warned of this). What we have left of the massive work is that which is present in Salvini's collection of biographies of the Florentine Academy. The work is written in the form of a letter addressed to Prince Leopoldo de'Medici, and it was not printed during Viviani's lifetime, but only in 1717, in the present book. Though not as extensive as had originally been planned, and though not printed as soon as originally planned, the work is still of the greatest importance to our knowledge about Galilei and forms the foundation for all later works on the astronomer. For the student of Galilei, it is absolutely indispensible. Being the first biography of Galilei, and the only one written by a contemporary, and one who knew him very well, the work plays a greater role in the study of the master's life than any other work.Viviani may not have been a faithful chronicler or a clear interpreter, but we will have to make do with that which he can tell us about Galilei. Though not all stories may be true, almost all of the most famous anecdotes and legends that we have about Galilei stem from the present work. After having described the various marvels, discoveries, etc. of Galilei's life, Viviani ends by describing the last hours of Galilei's life: "il Mercoledì delli 8. de Gennaio del 1641. ab Inc. a ore 4. di notte in età di settantasette anni, mesi dieci, e giorni vent, con Filosofica, e Christiana constanza, rese l'Anima al suo Creatore, inviandosi questa a godere, e rimarar più d'apresso quelle eterne maraviglie, ch'ella con tanta avidità, & impazienza aveva procurator per mezzo di fragil artifizio d'avvicinare agli occhi di noi mortali." (p. 423) ["On the night of Jan. 8, 1641, at about 4 o'clock at night at the age of 77 years, 10 months, and 20 days, with philosophical and Christian firmness he rendered up his soul to its Creator, sending it, as he liked to believe, to enjoy and to watch from a closer vantage point those eternal and immutable marvels which he, by means of a fragile device, had brought closer to our mortal eyes with such eagerness and impatience."] - clearly showing the sense that Viviani had for Galilei's biblically inspired faith.The work furthermore contains several hitherto unpublished treatises on men from the famous scientific academy of Florence.

Paris, Crochard, 1820. 8vo. Without wrappers, as extracted from "Annales de Chimie et de Physique", Volume 15, pp. 59-76 and pp.170-218. Five engraved plates accompanying the memoires showing the experimental equipments. Half-title and title-page to volume 15 present. First edition of the first announcement of Ampère's discoveries on electromagnetism. Ampère first heard of Ørsted's discovery of electromagnetism on the 4th of September when Arago announced Ørsted's results to the Paris Academy of Sciences. In Ørsted's experiment a current-carrying wire is held over, and under, a compass needle - the result being that the needle is positioned at 45 degrees in respect to the wire. Ampére immediately saw that this result made no physical sense and realized that the true nature of the effect could not be observed until the force of terrestrial magnetism was somehow neutralized; what Ørsted had observed and reported on was the resultant of the force from the wire and that from the earth's magnetic field. Ampère discovered that the compass needle sets at 90 degrees to the current-carrying wire when the effect of terrestrial magnetism is eliminated. He also observed that current-carrying wires which are formed as spirals act as permanent magnets, and this lead him to his theory that electricity in motion produces magnetism and that permanent magnets must contain electrical currents. And thus, Ampère laid the foundation of the new field of electrodynamics.Ampère announced his theory and experimental results, for the first time, in a series of memoires read before the Paris Academy of Sciences in September and October 1820. These memoires were first published in the September and October issues of Arago's "Annales de Chimie et de Physique" (the offered items). In November, Ampère had a separate printing of his findings published under the title 'Mémoires sur I'action mutuelle de deux courans électriques, sur celle qui existe entre un courant électrique et un aimant ou le globe terrestre, et celle de deux aimans I'un sur I'autre.' (Dibner 62, Norman 43). On the title-page of this publication it is stated 'Extrait des Annales de Chimie et de Physique' and therefore this publication is often identified as an offprint of the two offered papers (see the Norman sales catalogue for an example). This is, however untrue, since it contains considerable changes and additions in comparison with text of the journal issues (see Williams: What were Ampère's Earliest Discoveries in Electrodynamics? ISIS, volume 74, p.492).Honeyman 82, Barchas 51, Wheeler 762. Sparrow, Milestones No 8.

Kiøbenhavn, Johan Rudolph Thiele, (1797) 1799. 4to. Uncut and unopened in original blue boards. Published in: "Nye Samling af det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter." Vol. V. Wessel's paper: pp.469-518 and 3 folded engraved plates (the last plate inserted at p. 463). The whole volume V offered in its original binding. Engraved titlevignette. XII,670 pp., 15 engraved plates. 4 leaves with upper right corners gone, not affecting Wessel's paper. First edition of this important first systematical treatment of the theory of complex numbers and at the same time, the first work to add vectors in three-dimensional space."Wessel’s fame as a mathematician is based entirely on one paper, written in Danish and published in the Mémoires of the Royal Danish Academy, that established his priority in publication of the geometric representation of complex numbers. John Wallis had given a geometric representation of the complex roots of quadratic equations in 1685; Gauss had had the idea as early as 1799 but did not explicitly publish it until 1831. Robert Argand’s independent publication in 1806 must be credited as the source of this concept in modern mathematics because Wessel’s work remained essentially unknown until 1895, when its significance was pointed out by Christian Juel. The title of Wessel’s treatise calls it an "attempt" to give an analytic representation of both distance and direction that could be used to solve plane and spherical polygons. The connection of this goal with Wessel’s work as a surveyor and cartographer is obvious. The statement of the problem also suggests that Wessel should be credited with an early formulation of vector addition. In fact, Michael J. Crowe, in A History of Vector Analysis (University of Notre Dame Press, 1967), defines the first period in that history as that of a search for hypercomplex numbers to be used in space analysis and dates it from the time of Wessel, whom he calls the first to add vectors in three-dimensional space." (DSB).

London, Robert Young, 1628. 12mo. Bound in a worn contemporary full calf binding. Gilt lines to spine and boards. Spine and boards rubbed and cracked, and corners bumped, but binding tight and sturdy. Notes to front free endpaper in a near-contemporary hand. Engraved title-page, nearly detached and torn through the center (reinforced from verso). Evenly browned, otherwise clean internally. (25), 445,(18) pp. The exceedingly scarce second complete edition of the English poet and colonist George Sandys' celebrated translation of Ovid's 'Metamorphoses' (the first being London, 1626). In 1621 Sandys took up the post of treasurer of the colony of Virginia. By the time he reached Virginia, he had already completed a translation of the first five books (out of 15) of the 'Metamorphoses', which - according to tradition - was published in 1621; but with no surviving copies of this edition, its existence remains a matter of speculation. In 1947, however, a copy of what appears to be the second edition of this 'ghost', also printed in 1621, was found 'in a barrow in front of an obscure bookshop' (McManaway, 1948, 'The First Five Bookes of Ovids Metamorphosis, 1621, "Englished by Master George Sandys"'). During his treasurership, he translated the remaining ten books and published a full translation in 1626 with William Stansby in London, the edition upon which the present is based. With the exception of the first five books, translated before he reached the US, Sandys' translation thus constitutes the earliest significant poetic output written in the New World. With only 11 copies recorded by OCLC, the present edition is by far the most uncommon of the complete editions.

(Paris, Lottin l'aìne), 1771. Large folio. (55 x 39,5 cm.). Contemp. hcalf. Gilt spine, titlelabel with gilt lettering. Spine rubbed and wear to spine ends. Repair to lower 6 cm. of spine. Wear to top of spine. Titlelabel with tapestrip added. Corners a bit bumped. Stamps on foot of titlepage. Engraved pictorial title-page. 47 pp. and 16 fine engraved plates of which 11 are folded in double, triple-folio etc.. Internally clean and fine. Scarce first edition of this monumental work on bridge-construction with detailled description of its construction, materials used, tools and the new machinery employed etc., including the 125 cm. long engraved plate showing the bridge."The Moulins bridge ran from 1753 to 1763 and at the invitation of Daniel-Charles Trudaine , Règemorte published, in 1771 , the description of this great work in which significant progress in the art of building structures were inaugurated, and where the skill of the engineers had overcome considerable difficulties." (Wikipedia).

Paris, Crochard, 1825. 8vo. 2 contemporary half calfs w. richly gilt spines. Light wear at top of spines. Minor scratches to upper compartments of spines. Small stamps on verso of title-pages and verso of plates. In: "Annales de Chimie et de Physique, Par MM. Gay-Lussac et Arago.", tome 29 a. 30. - 448 pp. and 3 folded engraved plates + 448 pp. and 2 folded engraved plates. (The entire volumes offered). Ampère's papers: pp. 381-404 (tome 29) + Suite pp. 29-41 (tome 30) + "Lettre à Gerhardi": pp. 373-381 (tome 29). Clean and fine throughout. First appearance of this famous memoir, in which Ampère presented his collected results on electrodynamics to the French Academy, creating the foundation of 19th century developments in electricity and magnetism. In the words of James Clark Maxwell, "We can scarcely believe that Ampère really discovered the law of action by means of the experiments which he describes. We are led to suspect, what, indeed, he tells us himself, that he discovered the law by some process which he has not shown us, and that when he had afterwards built up a pefect demonstration he removed all traces of the scaffolding by which he raised it."The offered memoir was published BEFORE the famous "Theorie mathématique des phénomènes électro-dynamiques uniquement déduite de L'expérience", which did not appear until 1827. That 1827-Memoire incorporates, together with a new presentation of Ampère's results from 1820, 1822, 1823, the offered memoir (1825). (Horblit: 100 - Dibner: 62)."From 1814 until 1820 Ampére did not perform the kind of research that would have made it into the annals of the histrory of science, but on September 11, 1820 when he heard Francois Arago speak about Oersted's work, he got fresh inspiration and started the work that made him famous. Arago related how Oersted had found that a steady electric current influences the orientation of a compass needle. After a weak Ampère had determined experimentally that that two straight, parallel, and current-carrying, wires execute a force on each other. The magnitude of the force is inversely proportional to the distance between the wires and proportional to the strenghts of the current..... During the following years he continued his researches, both experimentally and theoretically. he built an instrument for measuring electricity that later was developed into the galvanometer. Finally in 1825 he presented his collected results to the Academy IN ONE OF THE MOST CELEBRATED MEMOIRS IN THE HISTORY OF NATURAL PHILOSOPHY (The paper offered)." (Citizen's Compendium, p. 2). - Norman No 47.The volumes contain many other notable papers by: Wöhler, Fresnel, Marcet, Berzelius, Felix Savart, De la Rive, Braconnet, Boussingault, Magnus, Poncelet, Vaugelin, Poisson, Gay-Lussac, Faraday, Laplace etc.

Venice, Vincenzo Valgrisi, 1555. 8vo (209 x 146 mm). In a bit later full calf binding with five raised bands. Spine with gilt lettering and ornamentation. Extremities with wear. Boards with scratches and capitals and hinges with minor loss of leather. Printer's device to title-page. Full page woodcut illustration at beginning of each "Giornata" (included in the pagination). Title-page with light soiling and a few holes to outer lower corner, far from affecting text. Pp. 277-296 with a rather heavy dampstain. Pp. 411-416 with a few words crossed out in text with offsetting from ink. P. 289 with small hole in outer lower corner, slightly affecting text, otherwise internally fine. [Blank], (10), 487, (82), [2 Blanks] pp. Second Valgrisi-edition of Ruscelli's famous translation of Boccaccio’s The Decameron – here in the rare variant with 1555 printed on the title-page but 1554 on the separate title-page for the supplemented ‘Vocabolario generale di tutte le voci usate dal Boccaccio’. The first Valgrisi-edition was printed in 1552 and was reissued in 1554,1555 and 1557. It is widely considered one of the finest 16th century editions of Boccaccio’s work. It was intended to compete with the popular Giolito-editions, hence the stunning full-page illustrations preceding each of the ten days and the fine architectural borders. Girolamo Ruscelli, Italian Mathematician and Cartographer active in Venice during the early 16th century and especially famous for his present translation of The Decameron, had his books printed by Valgrisi. Lodovico Dolce had his translations printed by Giolito and was a fierce competitor to Ruscelli. The controversy between Ruscelli and Dolce arose from a wish on both parts to be considered the better translator of the classics and the best commentator. Their controversy was also reflected in the fact that the two scholars published their works with two rival Venetian printers:“Ruscelli even ends his address to the reader with a disparaging reference to the Giolito editions. In illustration as in text, this edition had to compete with those of Giolito. Valgrisi’s artist took the theme of the Giolito illustrations – the ten scenes of the company at a villa – and almost doubled the height of the blocks to include more architectural details and views” (Mortimer 73) Brunet I, 1001 ("Il y a des exemplaires de l’édition de 1554, dont le frontispiece porte 1555"). Adams B-2154 Mortimer 73 (The first 1552-edition).Grässe, vol. I, 450. (The first 1552-edition).

Paris, De Bure, 1740. 4to. Contemporary half calf, raised bands, richly gilt spine and and red speckled edges. Leather title-label to spine. Corners neatly repaired. Title in red/black. (2), III-XXX, (2) Errata, 148 pp., many diagrams. The "Preface" and the first 18 leaves of the text with a foxing to lower margin and right corners. The "Preface" is an historical account of Newton's method "la sublime méthode", written by Buffon. Without the leaf "Extrait des Registres". The influential first French edition of Newton's important work, which constitutes the most extensive description of the mathematical method he used in his famous "Principia", the method of infinitesimals, which was already written about 1671, but not published until 1736, i.e. posthumously, with the title "Method of Fluxions and Infinite Series...". In this work "Newton stated clearly the fundamental problem of the calculus: the relation of quantities being given, to find the relation of the fluxions of these, and conversely. In conformity with this problem and the new notation, Newton then gave examples of his method....In this book Newton introduced his characteristic notation and conceptions. He regarded his variable quantities as generated by the continuous motion of points, lines and planes, rather than as aggregates of infinitesimal elements, the view which had appeared in "De analysi"...The rate of generation Newton called a "fluxion", designating it by means of a letter with a dot over it, a "pricked letter", the quantity generates he called a "fluent".( Boyer, The History of the Calculus.).Colson (in his preface to the first edition from 1736) says: "I gladly embraced the opportunity that was put into my hands, of publishing this posthumous work, because I found it had been composed with that view and design. And that my own Country-men might first enjoy the benefit of this publication, I resolved upon giving it an English translation, with some additional remarks of my own, I thought it highly injurious to the memory and reputation of the real Author, as well as invidious to the glory of our own Nation, that so curious and useful a piece should be any longer suppress'd and confined to a few private hands, which ought to be communicated to all the learned World for general Instruction.It was through the French translations of his works that Newton came to play the seminal role as the most important of mathematicians that he did in France, and particularly the years around 1740, when the present work appeared in French for the first time were seminal to the scientific development in France, where the likes of Voltaire had only just made the nation acquinted with the work of the great mathematician. Gray No 236. Babson No 173.

Paris, Guillaume de la Noue, 1577. 8vo. In recent full limp vellum with yapp edges. Woodcut printer's device on title, woodcut headpieces and initials. Small closed tear to upper inner margin of title-page. First 33 ff. with small worm tract in inner margin, with minor loss of text. Light dampstaining to first and last leaves. A good copy. (36), 294, (6) pp. The exceedingly rare first French, and presumably very first overall, translation, of Machiavelli's Florentine Histories; his famous account of the political events and power struggles in Florence during the Renaissance. Essentially being a panegyric to the house of Medici, Machiavelli's work offers valuable insights into the rise and fall of political factions, the challenges faced by republican governments, and the dynamics of power in a city-state. Although often overshadowed by his more famous 'The Prince', the present work is important in understanding Machiavelli's broader political philosophy and is an indispensable document in understanding renaissance politics in general. The Histories constitute an essential work for understanding the political development of the late Machiavelli, and is “also an important item in modern historiography because for the first time the issue of conflict, and more precisely of urban conflict, finds itself at the heart of historical narrative (…).Infact, the Histories constitute the first attempt in modern historiography to analyze the totality of individual and collective agents and factors that allow a community to sustain itself or to founder. This analytical quality was certainly at the basis of the interest in the work outside Florence and the fact of its being translated. As Yves de Brinon explains in dedicating his ‘Histoire Florentine [the present work] to Cathrine de Medici, the case of Florence is a model for the dangers that threaten the integrity of every state and the Kingdom of France in Particular.” (Landi, A re-reading of Machiavelli). Machiavelli visited France, representing the Republic of Florence, where he - and later his writings - exercised great influence. The Huguenot, Innocent Gentillet, whose work commonly referred to as 'Discourse against Machiavelli' or 'Anti Machiavel', accused Machiavelli of being an atheist and accused politicians of his time by saying that his works were the "Koran of the courtiers", that "he is of no reputation in the court of France which hath not Machiavel's writings at the fingers ends" (Birely, The Counter Reformation, 1990). “Although Machiavelli became the embodiment of a real "devil theory of history," there was nothing supernatural or even suspicious about his journey across the Alps. As the French translator remarked to his customers in 1544, "This Florentine merchant has voluntarily left his own country to be received into yours.... Do not be so ungracious as to refuse him citizenship. From all appearances he was welcomed with open arms, or at least open minds. Within a few years, one of his admirers declared that he was a prophet honored more in France than in his own country." (Kelley, Murd'rous Machiavel in France: A Post Mortem). Following the crisis of 1513, which involved arrests for conspiracy and torture, Machiavelli's relationship with the Medici family gradually improved. Despite the dedication of his book "Il Principe" to Lorenzo II de' Medici having little effect, Machiavelli found favor with a faction in Florence that was not opposed to him and was granted an appointment. In a letter Machiavelli expressed his dissatisfaction with his idle state and offered his valuable political experience to the new ruler. To further solidify his position, Machiavelli, adopting a somewhat courtier-like attitude, arranged for the staging of his play "Mandragola" at the wedding of Lorenzino de' Medici in 1518. In 1520, he received an invitation to Lucca for a semi-private mission, indicating that his ostracism was coming to an end. Later that year, Giulio Cardinal de Medici commissioned him to write a history of Florence. Although this was not exactly the role he desired, Machiavelli accepted it as the only way to regain the favor of the Medicis. The purpose of the work, although unofficial, was to restore the city's official historical standing. The salary for this appointment was not substantial, starting at 57 florins per year and later increased to 100. In May 1526, Machiavelli formally presented the finished work to Giulio de' Medici, who had become Pope Clement VII. The Pope appreciated the work and rewarded Machiavelli, though only moderately, and sought his support in creating a national army based on his theoretical work "The Art of War," in preparation for the War of the League of Cognac. However, Machiavelli's hopes were shattered following the Sack of Rome in 1527 and the fall of the Medici government in Florence. Soon after, Machiavelli passed away. This exceedingly scarce first French edition was issued with two variant title-pages, the present referred to as variant-b. (see Gerber, Niccolo Machiavelli). Bibliopgraphia Machiavelliana, p. 60, no. 160. Gerber, dritter teil, p. 37, D-b. Brunet 1279.

Leipzig, M. G. Wiedmanns Erben und Reich, 1777. 8vo. Uniformly bound in two contemporary half calf binding with gilt lettering to spines. Gilt library stamp to both stamps and red library stamp to both title-pages. Deaccession-stamp (dated 20-1-1948) to both pasted down front end-paper. Some wear to extremities, leather on spine cracked and head of spines chipped. Internally very nice and clean. LVI, 784 pp.; XXVI, 834, (2) pp. Uncommon first edition of Tetens’ seminal work which was a major influence on Kant and his development of his synthetic a priori theory. Tetens has also been referred to as the "German Locke”. “(The present work) is essentially an investigation of the origin and structure of human knowledge and was the most important philosophical work written in Germany during the period immediately prior to the publication of the Critique of Pure Reason (1781) by Kant, who valued Tetens’ work highly. Kant reiterated Tetens’ emphasis on the importance of empirical foundations for philosophical studies. He was also influenced in the construction of his own theory of human knowledge by Tetens’ threefold division of consciousness into the faculties of feeling, will, and understanding. By the last category he referred to the faculty of forming and combining ideas.” (Encyclopedia Britannica). “Like the British empiricists, Tetens begin with an account of sensations and ideas. Ideas are described as due to the operation of the traces caused by sensations. He compares the relation of memories to sensations with the relation of visual after-image to the initial sensation, memories being due to continued activity in the eye. (…) He accepts two laws of association, namely, similarity and contiguity in time and space, but he rejects Hume’s third type of association, causality. He clears up Berkeley’s and Hume’s difficulties with general ideas, by distinguishing clearly between the idea (in the sense of image) and its meaning.” (Wolf, A History of Science Technology and Philosophy in the 18th Century, P. 690) Provenance: From the library of Danish philosopher and author Carl Henrik Koch.

Amsterdam, Marc Michel Rey, 1755. 8vo. A spendid recent pastiche-binding in perfect contemporary style. Marbled half caf with five raised bands to richly gilt spine. Marbled paper over boards. Occasional very light brownspotting and a very light marginal dam stain to ca 15 leaves. A splendid copy, with good margins and printed on good paper. Old ex libris to inside of front board. Title-page printed in red and black, engraved title-vignette, the engraved frontispiece (by Eisen, engraved by Sornique) bound at the end. 1 large engraved vignette and a few woodcut vignettes. Frontispiece + LXX, (2), 262, (2, -errata & avis pour le relieur) pp. First edition, first issue, of one of Rousseau's main works and one of the most important works of political thought in general. The "Discourse on the Origins of Inequality" is considered Rousseau's first important work and the work that lays the foundation for his later thought.The present copy is with all the first issue pointers (e.g. the erroneous spelling of "Jaques", the accent aigu in "conformé" added by hand by M.M. Rey on p. 11) and the three cancels (pp. LXVII-LXVIII, 111-112, and 139-140). According to Tchemerzine, there were copies on thick, heavy paper ("Il existe des ex. en papier fort"), of which this is presumably one. At least the dedication (LXX pp.) in the present copy is printed on very thick paper, whereas the paper of the remaining leaves is a bit less heavy. The present copy has nice, wide margins. According to Dufour there are five counterfeit-editions bearing the same date (they are easily distinguishable from the first issue). Like his "Discourse on the Sciences and Arts " from 1750, the "Discourse on the Origins of Inequality" was written as a response to an essay competition from the Academy of Dijon. This work is thus often referred to as the "Second Discourse". Unlike the first, this did not win him a prize, even though it is was also then considered a far more accomplished work and now counts as one of his three main works (together with the "Contract Social" and "Émile"). It is in the present work that Rousseau begins to develop his theories of human social development and moral psychology and it is furthermore this work that for the first time clearly divides him from the Encyclopédiste mainstream of the French Enlightenment. The work is famous for Rousseau's portrayal of a multi-stage evolution of humanity from the most primitive condition to something like a modern complex society, which has gone down in history as one of the most important portrayals of man and society. Furthermore, the work is famous for its long preface.When Rousseau had converted to Catholicism, he also lost his rights to the status of Citizen of Geneva. This right was regained in 1754, though, when he reconverted to Calvinism, and a large part of his "Discourse on the Origins of Inequality" consists in a dedication to the state of Geneva. This preface is probably one of the most famous prefaces in the history of modern thought as it constitutes, not only a highly ironical and satirical praise of his birthplace, but also a masterpiece of utopian political thought. Geneva is praised as the good republic worthy of admiration for the stability of its laws and institutions, the common spirit of its inhabitants, the well behaved women that inhabit it, and the good relations with neighbouring states. Not only is it this piece of political fiction that provides us with an imminent insight into how a state should ideally be according to Rousseau an ironical description of what Geneva was not, it was also a fierce attack on Paris. Tchemerzine X:32; Dufour:55.

Venetia, Pietro Dusinelli, 1586. Folio. Nice later (around 1950) half polished calf, raised bands, 4 compartments gilt. Titlepage with a beautifull renaissance caryatid border in woodcut and with the coat of arms of the Duke of Aragon. Title with 2 small stamps. (4),92 leaves + 2 unnumbered leaves (at sign. T) with illustrations. Having 6 full-page and 29 smaller woodcut-iullustr. and 2 unnumb. plates. Clean and fine, with the illustrations in strong impressions. The opening initial in the preface has been cut out, with a bit of loss of a few letters on verso. The very rare first edition, the only edition in the original form, of Collado's famous work, being "the first really detailed, well-illustrated technical manual on both the theory and practice of artillery" (A.R. Hall in Ballistics in the 17th century)."The greatest interest of this work as far as pyrotechnics are concerned is contained in Chapter 11 which is entitled, "Of...fires which can be adopted for use in times of festivity...The text of the 1586 edition describes these items (a line rocket, a vertical and horizontal wheel, and a device called Spanish 'Las Granadas'), but they are not illustrated. This book contains some of the earliest and fullest descriptions of recreative fireworks." (Chris Philip, C 070.4)."Very rare, and one of the earliest works, if not the earliest, dealing exclusively with artillery. The numerous types of cannon figured are of great interest, while the work itself represents a fine specimen of typography." (Sotheran, Bibliotheca Chemico-Mathematica, vol. I, no 6987.Cockle (No 664) calls it "Very rare; the only ed. of the original form of Collado's famous work, Ayala, nor having seen it, gives the trans. of the Spanish "Platica" as a reprint of it."(Cockle). The "Platica" is a Spanish translation from 1592.

(No place but Hamburg, no printer), 1724 - 1726. 4to. In contemporary full calf with four raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Light wear to extremities. A few leaves closely trimmed slightly touching text, but generally nice and clean. 321 ff. (No. 1 - 156. All that was published). Exceedingly rare first edition, fully complete, of the famous Hamburg-journal “Der Patriot” – it was the most significant German weekly journal at the beginning of the 18th century and served as an important platform for the emerging Enlightenment. It was published weekly in Hamburg from 1724 to 1726. Due to its popularity it saw four reprints until 1765 and was also translated into Dutch and French. The genre of moral weeklies was inspired by English periodicals, particularly the highly successful publications edited and written by Joseph Addison and Richard Steele, which appeared three times a week or even daily (The Tatler, The Guardian, and The Spectator). Unlike some other German moral weeklies, Der Patriot had an independent editorial team that did not simply translate English counterparts but instead selected and developed its own topics. Many German scholars and writers contributed to Der Patriot, but all published their articles under pseudonyms. Their true identities were not revealed until three years after the last issue was published. “In the course of the seventeenth and especially the eighteenth centuries, Hamburg’s press evolved from a mere supplier of information to a vehicle of public opinion. During the first half of the eighteenth century, Hamburg’s growing print culture was closely connected to the development of the city’s enlightened reform movement, embodied in the first Patriotic Society (1724–1726). For example, Hamburg’s own moral weekly, Der Patriot, a product of the Patriotic Society, informs both the rise of periodical press and the spread of enlightened ideals. Modeled on British periodicals, The Tatler and The Spectator, Der Patriot contained instructive essays on a variety of subjects, generally articulating middle-class norms and values. By appealing to a wide audience and disseminating useful knowledge and enlightened philosophy, such journals aimed to reorient the reader’s moral outlook and lifestyle, in particular to raise the intellectual and moral standards of its readers. Hamburg’s Der Patriot ran from 1724 until 1726, and was so popular that it was published in book form several times between 1728 and 1765. It was the most influential of the German moral weeklies. Der Patriot, seeking to enlighten and influence the morals of its readers, set itself in direct competition with the church. Aiming to “root out or at least expose all ridiculous or dangerous actions, mistakes, abuses and harmful habits through the orderly use of human reason,” Der Patriot's elevation of reason over faith angered Hamburg’s strong orthodox Lutheran church, which initiated a “pamphlet war” denouncing the journal. Der Patriot found both a multitude of detractors and supporters; roughly thirty-five pamphlets against and twenty-one in favor of the periodical appeared. This ‘battle of the pens’ certainly encouraged popular interest in Der Patriot and caused the publisher to print six thousand copies instead of the four hundred initially planned, reflecting both an expanding readership and growing popular interest in Enlightenment tenets. Der Patriot, furthermore, reflects the republic’s civic morality as it strove to promote the common good. If its attitude toward Hamburg’s governance was generally positive, it openly presented concrete proposals for improvement in the republic as well as the dangers of extravagance and excess, the loss of civic-mindedness, and political apathy. Indeed, Der Patriot asserted both the right and the duty of Hamburgers to speak out on any question regarding the welfare of their city-state.” (Aaslestad, Place and Politics).

Indbundet i 85 samt. hldrbd., her og der med brugsspor samt 1 papbd. Et bind med de første blade beskadiget og manglende forperm. Enkelte kobbere synes at mangle. Ialt mangler 5 bind af rækken (= Nyt Bibliothek..bd. 22,27,31,37 og 38). Tidsskriftet er af uvurderlig betydning for den videnskabelige medicins udvkling i Danmark med dets indhold af originale bidrag, oversættelser af de udenlandske videnskabelige landvindinger samt de kritiske anmeldelser af den nyeste litteratur.

Kbhvn., C.G. Glasings Efterleverske, 1756. 4to. (30x23 cm.). Pragtfuldt, yderst velbevaret samtidigt hellæderbind i flammet kalv. Ryg opdelt i 7 felter af 6 ophøjede bind. Felterne rigt forgyldt med blomsterværk. På begge permer en bred forgyldt ramme sammenstukket af stempler med elefanter, vildmænd, løver enhjørninger og adskilt af store rokokkostempler, en udsmykning karakteristisk for Jørgen Piper. Piper døde 1756, således er værket her et af hans sidste arbejder. På indersiden af forpermen et exlibris i guld af tre sammensnørede neg. Fribladet er forsynet med Oscar Davidsens opklæbede exlibris. Pragteksemplar af originaludgaven af dette hovedværk om Bornholms og Christiansøes historie og topografi.Eksemplaret er optaget i auktionskataloget over Oscar Davidsen's Specialsamling og forsynet med denne note: "Eksemplaret er meget stort og snehvidt. Indbd. i samtidigt brunt, marmoreret og glittet KalveskindsHelbind med meget smuk Dekoration i guld. Bogen kan ikke være i mere skøn og frisk Stand." (side 53 i auktionskataloget, 1940).

Berlin, Verdrucht auf Rosten des Forfatters, 1798. 4to. Bound in 2 contemporary half calf. Spine with gilt leather title-label. Wear to extrimities, especially to spine: Loss of top 2 cm of spine and upper half of back hinges loose on volume 2. With library stamps to title page. Internally with occasional brownspotting, all the plates are, however, very nice and clean. (6), 296 pp + 24 hand coloured engraved plates; (1), VIII, 325, (4) + 23 hand coloured engraved plates. Second printing of German architect David Gilly's seminal and famous work on country and rural architecture. The present work is one of the most successful examples of architecture integrating urban and regional planning and architecture and is probably the most important contribution to the development of Prussian Classicism. Gilly had extensive technical knowledge particularly of wooden roof structures. "One of the trendsetters within the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century electorate was David Gilly (1748-1808), a second generation Huguenot whose family had come from Provence. He established the theory and practice of rual architecture in Brandenburg-Prussia; functionality and utility were paradigms by which he desgined buildings. Through his son (1772-1800), Gilly influenced the famous romantic-classicist Klarl Friedrich Schinkel and his school." (Finney, Seeing Seeing beyond the word: visual arts and the Calvinist tradition, p. 272). David Gilly built the two castles Paretz (1796) and Freienwalde (1798) for the king of Prussia.

London, Bacon & Co. Ltd., 1899. Chromlithographed folded map (50 x 71 cm) in original printed covers (20 x 14 cm). 5 cm tear in horisontal fold in left margin. 10 cm long tear in spine of cover, but map and wrappers still firmly attached, otherwise a fine copy. A fine copy of Frederick Rose’s famous caricature map of Europe with each country depicted as an angler having various levels of success in catches colonies. Serving as an allegory for European colonial interference elsewhere, this type of map influenced and reflected popular opinion, much like a political cartoon. Political boundaries and power struggles define this work. The 19th-century “serio-comic map” caricaturizes each European country as a fisherman, holding a sack with its imperial catch, or about to lose what it has caught. Serving as an allegory for European colonial interference elsewhere, this type of “persuasive” map influenced and reflected popular opinion, much like a political cartoon. Despite the popularity of his posters and a considerable output, there has been some controversy regarding Frederick Rose’s exact identity, in part due to his common name. Recent research suggest that Rose was of honorable Scottish descent and spent most of his professional life working as a civil-servant at Somerset House in London (Inland Revenue at the time).

(Copenhagen, DMI, 1893-1930). Small folio. The issues 1893-1915 are all bound with all the original printed wrappers (stating that they are off-prints) for every issue (except for the front wrapper for the first issue) in four near contemporary blue half cloth bindings with gilt titles and years to spine. The issues 1916-1930 are all present in the original printed wrappers and housed in three custom-made slipcases identical to the four preceding volumes. Ste back wrapper of the 1924-issue is loose. Otherwise the set is generally in excellent condition, with stamps from the Danish Meteorological Institute, in the holdings of which it has been until the present day. With numerous charts and maps throughout. Scarce run of the important first Arctic Sea Ice Charts from the Danish Meteorological Institute, all in off-prints from the Meteorological Year Books of Danish Meteorological Institute, constituting a continuous run, from its very beginning in 1893, of the first 38 years. These earliest Arctic Sea ice measurements and charts are absolutely fundamental for the monitoring of sea ice and, for our ability to determine the extent of the acceleration of global warming, and for the possibility of potentially changing climate patterns. "...the maps from the Danish Meteorological Institute. These are remarkable for their information value and because they represent a cooperative international effort to report ice conditions in a systematic way that was sustained over decades." (Florence Fetterer: Piecing together the Arctic's sea ice history back to 1850, in: Carbon Brief). "These charts, created by the Danish Meteorological Institute (DMI), provide observed and inferred sea ice extent for each summer month from 1893 to 1956. From 1893 to 1956, the Danish Meteorological Institute (DMI) created charts of observed and inferred sea ice extent for each summer month. These charts are based on compiled observations of ice conditions reported by a variable network of national organizations, shore-based observers, scientific expeditions, and ships as detailed in each report; in cases where no observations were available, the lead mapmakers extrapolated further ice cover using their knowledge of ice movement." (DMI - Danish Meteorological Institute). The early surveillance of the Arctic Sea Ice has been of immense importance to the development of climate change science. It is the cause of the determination of global warming and the primary proof we have of the deterioration of sea ice, the heating of the oceans and the rice of Arctic temperatures. These seminal charts constitute one of the very most important sources to our understanding of this world-threatening phenomenon. "Over the last three centuries, geographers, oceanographers, geophysicists, glaciologists, climatologists, and geoengineers have shown great interest in Arctic Ocean sea ice extent. Many of these experts envisaged an ice-free Arctic Ocean. This article studies three stages of that narrative: the belief in an ice-free Arctic Ocean, the potential for one, and the threat of one. Eighteenth and nineteenth century interest in accessing navigable polar sea routes energised the belief in an iceless polar sea; an early twentieth century North Hemispheric warm spell combined with mid-century cold war geostrategy to open the potential for drastic sea ice loss; and, most recently, climate models have illuminated the threat of a seasonally ice-free future, igniting widespread concerns about the impact this might have on Earth's natural and physical systems. This long narrative of an ice-free Arctic Ocean can help to explain modern-day scepticism of human-induced environmental change in the far north." (An ice-free Arctic Ocean: history, science, and skepticism).