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TJIO, JOE HIN & ALBERT LEVAN.

The Chromosome Number in Man. Separat (=Offprint) ur Hereditas 42 (1956). - [ESTABLISHING THE NORMAL NUMBER OF CHROMOSOMES IN MAN - FOUNDING CYTOGENETICS]

Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn50079
Lund, 1956. 4to. Minor signs of wear. A fine copy, With signature of "Joh. Holtfreter" to top of p. (1). 6 pp. + 1 plate.

First printing, in the very rare off-print - Johannes Holtfreter's copy -, of the revolutionary paper that established for the first time the correct number of chromosomes in man, thus founding modern human cytogenetics. The present paper constitutes the most important breakthrough in genetics since Mendel. "The finding that the normal human diploid chromosome number was 46, rather than 48 as had been assumed for many years previously, represents the starting point of modern human cytogenetics, with great importance for future clinical applications in the detection of both constitutional chromosome abnormalities and somatic abnormalities such as those seen in cancers. This discovery, made 50 years ago at the Institute of Genetics of the University of Lund, Sweden, in December 1955 and published early in 1956 in the journal "Hereditas" (Tjio and Levan 1956), is now of historical as well as scientific importance." (Harper). "After 50 years, the paper of Tjio and Levan can be clearly seen as one of the major landmarks of human genetics, opening up the field of human chromosomes and of medical genetics generlly to detailed analysis, as well as fulfilling its original aim of providing a normal reference point for studies of chromosomes in cancer." (Harper).The rediscovery of Mendel's law at the end of the 19th century triggered intense interest in the principles of heredity; ever since that time, chromosome behavior had been studied scientifically, but although a great deal of scientific interest was directed towards learning more about chromosomes themselves, it wasn't until Joe Hin Tjio and Albert Levan's epochal discovery that the correct human chromosome count was established. For half a century it had been accepted that humans normally have 48 chromosomes - only due to Tjio and Levan were we to know that the chromosome number of man is actually 46. "Difficulties in determining the human diploid number arose for a variety of reasons. For one, early experiments that provided evidence for the chromosome theory often used invertebrate species that reproduced in large numbers and had a relatively low number of well-defined chromosomes. Neither of these characteristics, of course, is a common finding in humans. In addition, the human samples initially used for chromosome analysis were derived from fresh testicular tissue in which haploid meiotic cells were often present. Furthermore, what morphology could be deduced suggested that human chromosomes were more complex than those of the model organisms studied earlier. In light of these and other factors, an erroneous estimate by prominent cytologist Theophilus Painter dominated the field for decades, until researchers Joe Hin Tjio and Albert Levan eventually applied new technology to identify the true diploid number of human chromosomes." (O'Connor). As Painter's estimate of 48 chromosomes had been generally accepted from studies over the previous 30 years, study of normal human chromosomes was not an active research field in the mid-1950's. Albert Levan - one of the key figures in cancer cytogenetics -, however, extensively studied the chromosomes of human cancers and realized that it was necessary to be certain of the normal human karyotype. Likewise, Joe Hin Tjio - who then was primarily involved in plant cytogenetics - realized the importance and necessity in establishing the correct number. "In the decades following Painter's work, scientists continued to refine their methods for preparing chromosomes for microscopy. Sectioning of paraffin-embedded preserved tissue was gradually replaced by squash techniques, in which small tissue specimens are placed on a microscope slide and then literally squashed under a cover slip to produce a single layer of cells. This approach gained broad acceptance as it eliminated any need to slice through tissues and reconstruct the organization of chromosomes in a single nucleus from several different sections. Chromosome preparations were also dramatically improved by combining treatment with a hypotonic salt solution (described by T. C. Hsu in 1952) and cell fixation. This combination of treatments enhanced chromosome spreading without deterioration or fragmentation, thereby facilitating better chromosome counts. In fact, in 1956, these techniques enabled researchers Joe Hin Tjio and Albert Levan to make a more accurate estimate of the human chromosome number.When their classic paper was published in 1956, Tjio and Levan had already been collaborating for several years. Albert Levan was a well-established cytologist who had pioneered the use of colchicine for analyzing chromosomes. Colchicine is a plant-derived toxin that arrests cells in metaphase, the point in the cell cycle at which chromosomes are most condensed. Colchicine is toxic to animals, but Levan and others found that colchicine allowed investigators to work with cells grown in tissue culture. Capturing cells at a specific state of mitosis when the chromosomes are condensed and easily tracked improved the reliability of their observations... Tjio and Levan used spreads such as these in their research, eventually reporting summary data from 261 unique chromosome spreads obtained from 22 different cell cultures of fetal lung tissue. All of the cultures were used within a few days after the tissue was obtained, thus minimizing the possibility of long-term culture-induced artifacts of chromosome number. The results were both clear and replicable. In the words of Tjio and Levan, "We were surprised to find that the chromosome number 46 predominated in the tissue cultures from all four embryos, [with] only single cases deviating from this number." Appreciating the fact that these in vitro data may not have been representative of cells in the body (i.e., in vivo data), Tjio and Levan also highlighted the importance of finding the same chromosome number in spermatogenic cells from testicular samples. Within a year, Ford and Hamerton (1956) did just that, providing confirmatory data by reporting the diploid chromosome number in human testicular cells to be 46." (O'Connor). The revolutionary finding of Tjio and Levan was submitted to the Swedish journal "Hereditas" (which was published for the Mendelian Society of Lund) on January 26, 1956, only a month and four days after the discovery, and appeared in the April issue. "The clarity and unambiguous nature of the published results in the "Hereditas" paper meant that the predominant reaction internationally was surprise rather than dispute; confirmation rapidly came from other workers, while workers who had previously supported the number of 48 soon admitted that they had been wrong. Additional publicity was given in the form of a display by Tjio at the 1956 International Genetics Congress in Copenhagen. Debate rapidly turned to the question of how it was that repeated studies done over the previous 30 years had found 48, not 46 chromosomes. This is an important general issue for science..." (Harper). "Joe Hin Tjio (born Nov. 2, 1919, Java, Indon.-died Nov. 27, 2001, Gaithersburg, Md.), Indonesian-born American geneticist who dispelled a 50-year-held belief that the number of chromosomes in the human cell was 48 when he established that the majority of human cells contain 46 chromosomes, arranged in 23 pairs. While working in 1955 at the Institute of Genetics in Lund, Swed., Tjio used a newly discovered technique to separate chromosomes from the nucleus of a cell; he helped establish modern cytogenetics-the study of the relationship between the structure and activities of chromosomes and the mechanisms of heredity-as a major branch of genetics. His work led to the discovery in 1959 that those people afflicted with Down syndrome have an additional chromosome in their cells." (Encycl. Britt.). JOHANNES HOLTFRETER was the world's foremost experimental embryologist in the decades between 1930 and 1960. He initiated and contributed substantially to many lines of experimentation (that are still ongoing) in the analysis of the embryonic "organizer" (a part of the embryo essential for the development of the proper body plan) and embryonic induction. Through his research on amphibian embryos, Holtfreter made many significant discoveries in the field of developmental biology and is considered one of the most significant embryologists of the 20th century. See:Peter S. Harper: The Discovery of the Human Chromosome Number in Lund; in: Hum. Genet. 119, 2006: pp.226-232.Clare O'Connor: Human Chromosome Number. In: Nature Education. 1(1):43. 2008. Garrison&Morton: 256.2 ("Proof that the normal chromosome number in man is 46").
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BERGIUS, PETER JONAS
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62692
(Stockholm, 1777). 8vo. As extracted from "Kungl. Svenska vetenskapsakademiens handlingar", uncut unopened. Fine and clean. Pp. 304-309.
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ALBERTI, MICHAEL.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62695
Halle im Magdeburgischen, Hendel, 1721. 8vo. In contemporary full calf with four raise bands and richly gilt spine. Traces from old paper-label to upper part of spine. Leather on spine cracked, spine-ends slightly chipped. Internally nice and clean. (14), 620, (28) pp. First collected edition of Alberti’s essays. Alberti (1682–1757), professor of medicine and philosophy at Halle and later rector of the university, was a leading disciple of Georg Ernst Stahl who considered the soul as having control on the body. Therapies involved dealing with the internal senses and feelings.
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O Capital. (i.e. Portuguese:
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MARX, CARLOS [KARL] (+) GABRIELLE DEVILLE (+) [Translator:] ALBANO DE MORAES.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62679
Lisboa, De Francisco Luiz Goncalves, 1912. 8vo. In the original red printed cloth-binding with black and white lettering. Spine with loss of the white lettering. Paper-label pasted on to lower inner margin of front board. Very light wear to extremities, Internally very fine and clean. 240 pp. The exceedingly scarce first Portuguese edition of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, published fifty-six years before the first full Portuguese (but published in Brazil) translation and whole sixy-two years before the first full translation published in Portugal. Curiously, two translations of the present work were made 1912 but the present translation seems to have priority (see Bastien, "Readings and Translations of Karl Marx in Portugal"). After the 1933 rise of Salazar's dictatorial Estado Novo regime, suppression of the relatively newly founded Communist party grew. Members were arrested, tortured, and executed and many were sent to the Tarrafal concentration camp in the Cape Verde Islands. Communist literature suffered an equally repressive fate, hence the rarity of the present work. Marxism and especially Marxist writing caught on comparatively late in Portugal: "As for the Socialist Party - supposed to be the main expression of Marxism -, it revealed itself unable to stimulate effective theoretical and doctrinal efforts. Its existence was an example of ambiguity and inconsequence. Its political programme went on mixing Marxian elements, associationist tradition and positivist thinking. Its strategy balanced continuously between an alliance with republican politicians and the maintenance of political autonomy. Its tatics balanced between electoral abstencionism and an involvement in election processes, that never led it to a relevant position in parliament. Even its international relations showed a lasting ambiguity: it had been created according to the instructions of the Marxist majority at the Hague Congress, when most of its members tended to support political abstencionism. When the formation of the Second lnternacional was taking place in Paris in 1889 Portuguese socialists tried to join the Marxist congress, after being present at the possibilist congress. In 1920 they decided to join the Third lnternacional (what was not accomplished), at the same time that an internal reformist turn was taking place." (Bastien, "Readings and Translations of Karl Marx in Portugal"). "The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital." (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation). Capital de Marx also had a Portuguese edition at this time, or better, two different editions, both in 1912, but only in translation of the survey of Book I published in France by Gabriel Deville in 1883 (Marx, 1912a and Marx, 1912b). This version omitted material dealt with in at least four chapters of the original text and was not particularly appreciated by Engels. It was a simplified text, aimed at supporting the training of socialist militants and that made it possible for them to have access, indirect, to the work of Marx. The other summaries and anthologies of Capital, which, with a purpose similar to that of Deville, circulated in Europe during this period or ignored in Portugal, as was the case with Carlo Cafiero, or were only occasionally mentioned, as was the case with Paul Lafargue and Karl Kautsky, in its French versions. OCLC list two copies, both in the US.
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DARWIN, CHARLES.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62681
(Kharkiv), Derzhavne medychne vyd-vo (State Medical Publishing House), 1936. 8vo. In publisher's original grey cloth binding with black lettering to spine with Darwin's portrait embossed on front board. Wear to extremities, corner bumped and light spoling to back board. Inner hinges split and first 3 leaves partly detached. Last 20 ff. slighly creased due to dampstain, otherwise internally a nice and clean copy. 674 pp. + frontispiece, portrait of Darwin and 1 plate with genealogical tree. The exceedingly rare first Ukranian translation of Darwin's landmark 'Origin of Species'. OCLC only list two copies (Library of Congress and The Huntington Library, USA) Freeman F797.
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BOYE, JOHANNES.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62687
Fridericia, S. Elmenhoff, 1809. 8vo. In nice recent marbled paper covered boards with leather title-label with gilt lettering to spine. Ex-libris (Bent W. Dahlstrøm) to verso of front board. A nice and clean copy. 40 pp. Biblioteca Danica III, 572.
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VENTURA DA SILVA, JOAQUIM JOSE.
Herman H. J. Lynge & Søn A/S
lyn62100
Lisboa, Officina de Simão Thaddeo Ferreira, 1803. Folio-oblong (365 x 255 mm). In contemporary half calf. Wear to extremies, upper part of spine with loss of leather. Ex-libris pasted on to pasted down front end-paper. With, primarily marginal, brownspotting throughout. Dampstain to inner margin and upper outer margin of last 10 ff. 32 ff. Rare first edition of the most celebrated Portuguese treatise on calligraphy. Joaquim José Ventura da Silva (1777–1849), regarded as one of Portugal’s finest calligraphers and teachers of writing, composed this methodological guide to handwriting in which he combines a historical survey of scripts used in Portugal with practical instruction for teaching and learning penmanship.Ventura da Silva is reffered to by Innocencio (Diccionario Bibliographico) as "one of the best Portuguese Calligraphers". A second edition was published in 1819, a third in 1841, and a facsimile was published in Porto in 1899.
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