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Christiania, 1871. In the original paper binding with printed paper boards. Renewed blank spine-strip. Inner hinges re-enforced. Large book-plate of Gereda Philipp to inside of front board. Presentation-inscription to front free end-paper. Last leaf evenly browned to verso, but otherwise internally very clean and fresh. Binding with minor wear to extremities, and paper over boards a bit bevelled. A splendid copy in the original printed boards. Housed in an exquisite orange half morocco box with marbled boards and gilt lettering to spine (Henning Jensen). The uncommon first edition of the “New Collection” of Asbjørnsen’s “Norwegian Folk-Tales” - being the continuation that contains the 45 Folk Tales numbered 61-105 -, signed and dated presentation-copy from the author, inscribed the same year that the book appeared, for “Hr. Dr. Brenner/ med Höiagtelse og Ærbødighed/ fra / P. Chr. Asbjørnsen/ Christiania Novbr. 1871”. The first collection of the seminal Folk-Tales had appeared ca. 30 years previously and was finished with the second expanded edition from 1852, which increased the number of fairy tales to 60. Here, we have the seminal continuation that completes the collection with the 45 additional tales (nrs. 61-105). As Asbjørnsen states in the preface, “There has been big appeal for the continuation of the material gathered back then, but for several years, other pursuits and chores have required so much time that there was none left to contemplate a more complete collection. My former co-publisher, Jørgen Moe, finally gave up and has given to me free disposition of his collections, which contained many valuable contributions… Only now I could begin thinking about fulfilling the work, t now presented in the present collection of Fairy Tales, on my own. Most of these Fairy Tales have… been printed in almanachs etc., but here they appear in a mostly completely rewritten and purified form. – A few of them have not previously been printed.” (Preface pp. III-IV – own translation from Norwegian). It was a great event in Norwegian intellectual life when Peter Chiristen Asbjørnsen (1812-1885) together with Jørgen Moe (1813-1882) began collecting and later publishing the Norwegian fairy tales in the beginning of the 1840’ies. The genre of fairy tales was centuries old and had survived through oral tradition. But the fairy tales had never been of any serious interest in intellectual circles nor been of any particular influence in literature, until the dawn of national romanticism. Asbjørnsen’s pioneering efforts to collect, register, and publish the Norwegian legends and fairy tales that had otherwise only survived in oral form, constituted a revolution in Norwegian literature and language. These seminal publications are a fundamental part of Norwegian heritage and a great national treasure. The publications of the fairy tales constituted an outright revolution in not only Norwegian, but also international literature, just as those of the Brothers Grimm in Germany had done. International recognition was overwhelming, and suddenly, Norwegian fair tales were considered among the best in the world. “Tell them like the people tell them” was the principle for the retelling of the stories. Moe was excellent at that, whereas Asbjørnsen had a superb epic talent. Asbjørnsen’s publications count as great literature in themselves and were extremely influential. The publication of the fairy tales and stories were extremely influential, not only upon literature in itself, but also more specifically upon the Norwegian language, also that of contemporary literature, directly influencing eg. Ibsen and Bjørnson. Asbjørnsen and Moe are responsible for the Norwegiazasion of the written language (which was hitherto Danish), utilizing specifically Norwegian expressions and words never before used in writing, to replace the Danish. These seminal fairy tales fundamentally effected the development of written Norwegian and founded the Norwegian softening of the Danish language. Presentation-inscriptions from Asbjørnsen are of the utmost scarcity and almost never appear on the market. Østberg: 51

Leipzig, Grosse & Gleditsch, 1689. 4to. Contemporary full vellum. Faint hand-written title to spine. A small stamp on title-page. In: "Acta Eruditorum Anno MDCLXXXIX". (8), 653, (7) pp. and 15 engraved plates. As usual with various browning to leaves and plates. The entire volume offered. Leibniz's papers: pp. 36-38 a. 1 engraved plate; pp. 38-46; pp. 82-89 a. 1 engraved plate; pp. 195-198. First printing of these extremely important papers, in which Leibniz claimed that he independently of Newton had discovered the principal propositions of his "Principia" and which present us with Leibniz's fundamental physico-mathematical theory, his dynamics, his concepts of force, space and time. The "Tentamen..." constitutes Leibniz's response to Newton's theories about the motion of the celestial bodies. Leibniz can be said to have anticipated the modern mathematical principle of relativity, as it is his idea of individual co-ordinate systems and his practical rejection of the Galilean co-ordinate system that Newton adopted. Leibniz opposes Newton's ideas of attractions (gravitational forces) and calls them "occult qualities". The task of the "Tentamen..." was to attain a theory mathematically equivalent to Newton's in accounting for planetary motion and especially for the inverse-square law of Kepler's laws, but physically sound and capable of explaining the causes of phenomena.Newton attacked Leibniz's claim of priority in his anonymously published paper "Commercium epistolicum" (Phil. Transactions 1714), and states that "in those tracts the principal propositions of that book are composed in a new manner, and claimed by Mr. Leibniz as if he had found them himself before the publishing of the said book. But Mr. Leibniz cannot be a witness in his own cause. It lies upon him either to prove that he had found them before mr. Newton, or to quit his claim." The features of Leibniz's mathematical representation of motion as put forward in "Tentamen..." are, (see D.B. Meli: Equivalence and Priority. Newton versus Leibniz. pp. 90-91):- Empty space does not exist. The world is filled with a variety of fluids which are responsible for physical actions, including gravity.- Living force and its conservation are the fundamental notion and principle respectively, in the investigation of nature, however, they do not figure prominently in the study of planetary motion.- Finite and infinitesimal variables are regularly employed in the study of motion and of other physical phenomena. Living force and velocity are finite; solicitation and conatus are infinitesimal.- Accelerated motion, whether rectilinear or curvilinear, is represented as a series of infinitesimal uniform rectilinear motions interrupted by impulses. I call this 'polygonal representation'. Usually the polygon is chosen in such a way that each side is traversed in an equal element of time dt. In polygonal representations accelerations are reduced to a macroscopic phenomenon.- Propositions are often used to safeguard dimensional homogeneity. Constant factors - such as numerical factors, mass, and the element of time - are usually ignored in the calculations.Denys Papin's papers:1. Descriptio Torcularis, cujus in Actis Anni 1688 pag. 646 mentio facta a suit... and 1 plate. Pp. 96-101.2. De Gravitatis Causa et proprietatibus Observationes. Pp. 183-188.3. Examen Machinæ Dn. Perrault. Pp. 189-195 a. 1 plate.4. Rotatilis Suctor et Pressor Hasciacus, in Serenissima Aula Cassellana demonstratus & detectus. Pp. 317-322 a. 1 plate.5. In J.B. Appendicem Illam Ad Perpetuum Mobile, Actis Novemb.A. 1688 p. 592...Pp. 322-324 a. 1 plate.6. Excerpta et Litteris Dn. Dion Papini ad --- de Instrumentis ad flammam sub aqua conservandam. Pp. 485-489 a. 1 plate.With the paper describing and depicting Papin's famous invention of the CENTRIFUGAL PUMP. ( Rotatilis Suctor et Pressor Hasciacus, in Serenissima Aula Cassellana demonstratus & detectus. - The paper offered (no.4).Jakob Bernoulli's papers:1. De Invenienda Cujusque Plani Declinatione, ex unica observatione projectæ a flylo umbræ. Pp. 311-316 a. 1 plate.2. Vera Constructio geometrica Problematum Solidorum & Hypersolidorum, per rectas lineas & circulos. Pp. 586-588 a. 1 plate.3. Novum Theorema Pro Doctrina Sectionum Conicarum. Pp. 586-588 a. 1 engraved plate.

Leipzig, Johann Christian Martini, 1726. Folio. Later (ca. 1820) hvellum. Gilt spine and gilt lettering. Gilding weakened. Stamp on htitle. Double-page folded engraved frontispiece. Title-page in red/black. (8),20,808,(40) pp. Engraved portrait of the author and 61 double-page folded engraved plates, 9 engraved vignettes. Some quires with light toning and browning. A few scattered brownspots. First edition. - "Eine umfangreiche methodische Encyklopädie, die als eines der kennzeichnenden Hauptwerke dieser Zeit hervorzuheben ist" (Jähns, 1455). The beautiful illustrations depicts Recruitment, Tambour and Pfeifer, execution and court martial, field surgery, general staff in the country cards room, fencing and Vaulting, tournament, cannons, battlefield, etc.etc.

Stockholm, Albert Bonnuers förlag, (1850). In contemporary half calf with gilt lettering to spine. Spine neatly polished and corner restored. Lower corner of front board repaired. Previous owner's name ["Emilia Lundin"] to pasted down front end paper. Small vague newpaperstamp to lower part of the following pages: p. 26, 58, 94, 120, 146, 186, 210., otherwise fine and clean. The exceedingly rare first Swedish translation of Charlotte Bronté's landmark work. Translated only three years after the original English edition, it constitutes one of the very earliest translations, predating the first full French translation by 4 years.The translation was published as part of the "Europeiska följetongen", Swedish magazine for foreign literature, which Albert Bonnier published after his numerous travels around Europe. OCLC only locates one copy: National Library of Sweden.

Leipzig, J.A. Barth, 1926. Bound recently in 3 fine hcalf of black morocco.. Spine with gilt lettering. In: "Annalen der Physik. Hrsg. von W. Wien und M. Planck.", Vierte Folge, Bde. 79-81. VI,760;VIII,828;VIII,1172 pp. Textillustr. and plates. The Schrödinger papers: Pp. 361-376,489-527,734-756 (Bd. 79) - pp. 438-490 (Bd. 60) - pp. 109-131 (Bd. 81). Internally clean and fine. First printing and first appearence of these 5 papers which introduces Schrödinger's wave-equations and explains the stationary states of electrons in Bohr's theory of the atom by way of applying de Broglie's concept of electron waves. These papers are among the most important in modern physics."The intensity of Schrödingers work on the problem (he found the earlier Bohr-Sommerfeld quantum theory unsatisfactory) increased as he saw that he was on the track of "a new atomic theory", and it reached a peak during his winter vacation in Arosa. On 27 December 1925 he wrote to Wilhelm Wien, editor of the "Annalen der Physik" inMunich that he was very optimistic: "I believe that I can give a vibrating system...thatyields the hydrogen frequency levels as it eigenfrequencies." The frequences of the emitted light rays are then obtained, as Schrödinger observed, by establishing the differences of the two eigenfrequencies respectively. "Consequently the way is opened toward a real understanding of Bohr's frequency calculation - it is really a vibration (or, as the case may be, interference) process, which occurs with the same frequency as the one we observe in the spectroscope. I hope, that I will soon be able to report on this subject in a little more detail and in a more comprehensive fashion" (Schrödinger's letter to Wien)...The so-called Klein-Gordon equations which Schrödinger used gives an incorrect description of the relativistic structures Schrödinger tried to describe. As this equation he tried to use, describes particles without spin, whereas a a description of electrons requires the Dirac equation..."After a brief interruption Schrödinger took up his method again, but this time he treated the electron nonrelativistically. It soon became apparent that he had arrived at a theory that correctly represented a the behavior of the electron to a very good approximation. THE RESULT WAS THE EMERGENCE OF WAVE MECHANICS IN JANUARY 1926. Schrödinger published the results of his research in a series of four papers in the "Annalen der Physik" bearing the overall title "Quantisierung als Eigenwertproblem." The first installment, sent on 26 January and received by Wien the next day, contains the first apperarance in the literature of his famous wave equation, written out for the hydrogen atom..."(DSB). In the fifth paper offered here, Schrödinger himself shows that there is an essential equivalence of his theory and that of Heisenberg, Born and Jordan's.Brandt, Harvest of a Century, no. 39.

London, 1733. 8vo. Bound in a lovely, contemporary English Cambridge-style full calf binding with a plain spine with five raised bands. Spine a bit cracked vertically and with minor loss to capitals. Corners a bit bumped and adges of boards a bit worn. Binding overall nice and tight. Small damp stain at the lower blank corner of the first few leaves, otherwise a very good, clean copy on thick, crisp paper. (16, -including preface, contents, advertisements), 253, (1), (18, -Index) pp. The important actual first edition of this highly celebrated key work of the Enlightenment, in which the anecdote of how Newton discovered gravity (the story about Newton and the falling apple) appeared for the first time, together with the description of the difference between the physical world view of the English and the French (the "plenum" and the "vacuum"). This seminal work, in which Voltaire famously depicts British philosophy, science, society and culture, in comparison to French, can be viewed as the Enlightenment equivalent to Tocqueville's "Democracy in America". This series of essays, which is based on Voltaire's experiences when living in England, was actually written by Voltaire mostly in English, which he mastered to perfection. It has often been presumed that the first edition of the work was that published in French in 1734, but actually, the present English edition constitutes the actual first appearance of the work as well as the version that is closest to Voltaire's intention, as the French language version is the re-written one, and the English version the original. Curiously, almost all modern English versions are translations into English of the French edition, instead of the original English version, making this edition of the utmost importance.After the original English edition of 1733, two French editions soon followed (the first in 1734). Unlike the British, the French resented the book, and already in 1734, the French Parliament issued an order for the author's arrest and condemned the work, causing the impact of it in France to be delayed. The book was burned for being "dangerous to religion and civil order". At the same time, the work became a bestseller in Britain, and as much as 14 editions of the work were published in the eighteenth century. "Inspired by Voltaire's two-year stay in England (1726-8), this is one of the key works of the Enlightenment. Exactly contemporary with Gulliver's Travels and The Beggar's Opera, Voltaire's controversial pronouncements on politics, philosophy, religion, and literature have placed the Letters among the great Augustan satires. Voltaire wrote most of the book in English, in which he was fluent and witty, and it fast became a bestseller in Britain. He re-wrote it in French as the Lettres philosophiques, and current editions in English translate his French." (Nicholas Cronk, Introduction to the Oxford's Classics edition from 1999).The great French philosopher Voltaire was greatly impressed by the philosophical and scientific achievements of the English, especially those of Newton, Locke, and Bacon. As a disseminator of scientific knowledge, Voltaire came to play a great rôle in the popularization of Newtonian science and its discoveries, the present work being a prime example. Although the work was condemned by the French authorities, it still came to play a great rôle in the spreading of Newtonian ideas in France. The present work generally came to play a dominant rôle in Enlightenment accounts of the history of science and philosophy. The work focuses on British science and thought and uses the accounts of these to emphasize what is lacking in French society and French thought. The work is generally very critical towards the French "ancient régime", and when Voltaire here discusses the emergence of empiricism, it is viewed as an English tradition that stands in opposition to the French rationalist tradition (with Descartes as the prime example). This view is taken over by the following Enlightenment historians of science and philosophy, e.g. d'Alembert (see for instance his "Preliminary Discourse" of 1751). Some of the most influential passages of the work are probably those on Bacon (who Voltaire sees as the founder of modern experimental science), Newton, and Descartes. Letters XIV, on Descartes and Newton, XV, on attraction, and XVI, on Newton's Optics (from 1704), are among the most influential essays of the work. In XVI Voltaire reflects upon Newton's "Optics" and the way that he rejected Descartes' theory and set out his own account of the properties of light. In XV he presents the first account of Newton and the falling apple: "As he was walking one Day in his Garden, and saw some Fruits fall from a Tree, he fell into profound Meditation on that Gravity, the Cause of which had so long been sought, but in vain, by all the Philosophers, whilst the Vulgar think there is nothing mysterious in it. He said to himself, that from what height soever, in our Hemisphere, those Bodies might descend, their Fall wou'd certainly be in the Progression discover'd by Galileo; and the Spaces they run thro' would be as the Square of the Times. Why may not this Power which causes heavy Bodies to descend, and is the fame without any sensible Diminution at the remotest Distance from the Center of the Earth, or on the Summits of the highest Mountains; Why, said Sir Isaac, may not this Power extend as high as the Moon?..." (pp. 127-28).But perhaps the most famous passage in the volume is the opening of Letter XIV: "A Frenchman who arrives in London, will find Philosophy, like every Thing else, very much chang'd there. He had left the World a "plenum", and he now finds it a "vacuum". At Paris the Universe is seen, compos'd of Vortices of subtile Matter; but nothing like it is seen in London. In France, 'tis the Pressure of the Moon that causes the Tides; but in England 'tis the Sea that gravitates towards the Moon; so that when you think that the Moon should make it Flood with us, those Gentlemen fancy it should be Ebb, which, very unluckily, cannot be prov'd..." (pp. 109-10).

London, 1837 + London, 1840. Five volumes 8vo. Bound in five contemporary, uniform brown half calf bindings (The Philosophy...-volumes slightly darker brown) with raised bands and gilt spines. Marbled edges. A bit of light edge-wear, but overall very fine and fresh. Some marginal pencil markings to first part of vol. 1 of "The Philosophy...", otherwise also internally very nice and clean. All five volumes with the same engraved amorial bookplate to inside of front boards. A very nice, uniform set of the five volumes that make up the two works. XXXVI, 437, (3); XI, (1), VI pp., pp. (7)-534, (2); XII, 624 pp. + CXX, 523, (1); IV, 586 pp. + folded plate. Uncommon first editions of both these splendid works (the "Philosophy" is particularly scarce), Whewell's two main works, both seminal in the history of science and philosophy of science. The first of the two works, the "History" is considered "one of the important surveys of science from the Greeks to the nineteenth century" (DSB), and it is in the second of them, "The Philosophy..." - "one of the masterpieces of Victorian philosophy of science" (DSB) - that he coins the word "scientist", to describe a cultivator of science in general. “William Whewell (1794–1866) was one of the most important and influential figures in nineteenth-century Britain. Whewell, a polymath, wrote extensively on numerous subjects, including mechanics, mineralogy, geology, astronomy, political economy, theology, educational reform, international law, and architecture, as well as the works that remain the most well-known today in philosophy of science, history of science, and moral philosophy. He was one of the founding members and a president of the British Association for the Advancement of Science, a fellow of the Royal Society, president of the Geological Society, and longtime Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. In his own time his influence was acknowledged by the major scientists of the day, such as John Herschel, Charles Darwin, Charles Lyell and Michael Faraday, who frequently turned to Whewell for philosophical and scientific advice, and, interestingly, for terminological assistance. Whewell invented the terms “anode,” “cathode,” and “ion” for Faraday. In response to a challenge by the poet S.T. Coleridge in 1833, Whewell invented the English word “scientist;” before this time the only terms in use in that language were “natural philosopher” and “man of science”.” (SEP). "First published in 1840, this two-volume treatise by Cambridge polymath William Whewell (1794-1886) remains significant in the philosophy of science. The work was intended as the 'moral' to his three-volume History of the Inductive Sciences (1837)... Building on philosophical foundations laid by Immanuel Kant and Francis Bacon, Whewell opens with the aphorism 'Man is the Interpreter of Nature, Science the right interpretation'. Volume 1 contains the majority of Whewell's section on 'ideas', in which he investigates the philosophy underlying a range of different disciplines, including pure, classificatory and mechanical sciences. Whewell's work upholds throughout his belief that the mind was active and not merely a passive receiver of knowledge from the world. A key text in Victorian epistemological debates, notably challenged by John Stuart Mill and his System of Logic, Whewell's treatise merits continued study and discussion in the present day." (Cambridge University Press). "From the late 1830's until his death, Whewell worked mainly in the history and philosophy of science. His three-volume "History of the Inductive Sciences" appeared in 1837; in 1838 he was appointed professor of moral philosophy; and the first edition of his two-volume "The Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, Founded Upon Their History" was published in 1840. Both the "History" and the "Philosophy" were ambitious works, and together they constitute Whewell's major scholarly achievement. The "History" had no rivals in its day and remains, despite unevenness, one of the important surveys of science from the Greeks to the nineteenth century. Whewell appreciated the importance of Greek science, especially astronomy, but showed typical disregard for the contributions of medieval scientists. His assessment of the importance of contributions of such major figures as Galileo and Descartes suffers from a heavy intrusion of religious and philosophical biases. But his treatment of Newton and other modern mathematical scientists is fair and sometime brilliant, and is based throughout upon detailed considerations of texts. Wheweel's "Philosophy" stimulated major philosophical exchanges between its author and Sir John Herschel, Augustus De Morgan, Henry L. Mansel, and John Stuart Mill. Alongside Mill's "System of Logic" and Herschel's "Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy", the work ranks as one of the masterpieces of Victorian philosophy of science. Whewell's effort in these works was unique in his attempt to derive a philosophy of science from the general features of the historical development of empirical science. The importance of this attempt has not been fully appreciated. Whewell thought that the history of science displayed a progressive movement from less to more general theories, from imperfectly understood facts to basic sciences built upon a priori foundations that he called "Fundamental Ideas." All science was theoretical in that no body of data comes to us selforganized; even collection of data involves the imposition of a guiding interpretive idea. Major advances in science occur in what Whewell called an "Inductive Epoch," a period in which the basic ideas of a science are well understood by one or more scientists, and in which the generality and explanatory power of a science are seen to be much more illuminating than those of rival theories. Each such "Epoch" had a "Prelude," a period in which older theories experienced difficulties and new ideas were seen to be required, and a "Sequel," a period in which the new theory was applied and refined. Largely ignoring the British tradition of empiricist philosophy and methodology, Whewell erected a philosophy of science upon his understanding of history that derived partly from Kant and Plato, and partly from an anachronistic theological position. Like his British predecessors, he thought that induction was the basic method of science. He understood induction not as a form of inference from particulars to generalizations, but as a conceptual act of coming to see that a group of data can best be understood and organized (his term was "colligated") under a certain idea. Furthermore, induction was demonstrative in that it yields necessary truths, propositions the logical opposites of which cannot be clearly conceived. The zenith of the inductive process was reached when a "consilience of inductions" took place-when sets of data previously considered disjoint came to be seen as derivable from the same, much richer theory. Although Whewell thought that the paradigm form of a scientific theory was deductive, he departed from the orthodox hypothetico-deductivist view of science by claiming that tests of the acceptability of given theories are extraevidential, based on considerations of simplicity and consilience. He made some attempt to justify the necessity of the conclusions that induction yields by arguing for the identity of facts and theories, and for the theological view that we know the world the way it is because that is the way God made it. In physical astronomy Whewell's work on the tides ranks second only to that of Newton. Also of great importance was his lifelong effort to modernize and improve science education at Cambridge. The achievement in history and philosophy of science probably is less significant, although recent revival of interest in Whewell has centered mainly upon his insights in philosophy of science and methodology. Interest is growing in the interrelations of history and philosophy of science; and so long as this interest continues to be fruitful, it will be well worthwhile considering what Whewell had to say on the nature of scientific discovery, inductive methodology, and the characteristics of scientific progress." (DSB, XIV, pp 293-94)

London, Taylor & Francis, 1913. 8vo. Bound in one nice contemporary half calf binding with gilt leather title-label to spine. Published in "The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science", Vol. 26. No. 151-156 offered. Small repair to spine and blind stamped to lower part of title page. Front hindge a bit loose. A fine copy. The Bohr papers: pp. 1-25; pp. 476-502; pp. 857-875. [Moseley:] Pp. 1024-1034. [Entire volume: VIII, 1064 pp.+ 24 plates]. First edition of Bohr's seminal main work, which constitutes the departure from classical theories to the birth of modern atomic physics; by incorporating Planck's quantum postulate it became possible to calculate the wavelength of the hydrogen emission and thus to explain the regularity of the Balmer-lines. In 1922 Bohr was awarded the Nobel Prize "for his services in the investigation of the structure of atoms and of the radiation emanating from them"."Bohr's three-part paper postulated the existence of stationary states of an atomic system whose behavior could be described using classical mechanics, while the transition of the system from one stationary state to another would represent a non-classical process accompanied by emission or absorption of one quantum of homogeneous radiation, the frequency of which was related to its energy by Planck's equation" (Norman).In his previous paper ("On the Theory of Decrease of Velocity of Moving Electrified Particles on passing through Matter") Bohr had adopted Rutherford's nuclear model of the atom, and had become convinced that it was the peripherical electrons that determined the chemical properties of an element, whereas the nucleus determine the radioactive properties. However, Rutherford's model had an apparent explanatory problem: Why were the negatively charged electrons held away from the positive nucleus? In his doctorial dissertation on the electron theory of metals, Bohr had clarified the limitations of this theory, in particular its ability to explain magnetic properties, and he had shown how this arose from the classical nature of some of its foundations. Bohr strongly expected that the key to solving this problem was to be found in some way of introducing Planck's law of quantum action.In the beginning of 1913 Bohr heard about Rydberg's remarkable discovery in spectroscopy. Rydberg's formula could represent the frequencies of the lines of the hydrogen spectrum in the simplest form in terms of two integers. As soon as Bohr saw this formula, he immediately recognized that it gave him the missing clue to the correct way to introduce Planck's law of quantum of action into the description of the atomic systems. The rest of the academic year was spent reconstructing the whole theory upon the new foundation and expounding it in a large treatise, which was immediately published as these three papers in the 'Philosophical Magazine'. It was in these papers that Bohr first gave his postulates of the orbital structure of the electrons and their quantized radiation.Bohr's atomic theory inaugurated two of the most adventurous decades in the history of science. Bohr introduced the following postulates: 1. An electron can revolve about its nucleus only in certain special circular orbits. 2. The ordinary electron revolves about its nucleus in an invariable orbit, without radiating or absorbing energy. 3. Radiation takes place when and only when the electron falls from an orbit with greater energy to one of less energy."In his great papers of 1913, Bohr presented his theory as being founded upon two postulates, whose formulation he refined in later papers. The first postulate enunciates the existence of stationary states of an atomic system, the behavior of which may be described in terms of classical mechanics; the second postulate states that the transition of the system from one stationary state to another is a nonclassical process, accompanied by the emission or absorption of one quantum of homogeneous radiation, whose frequency is connected with its energy by Planck's equation. As for the principle by which the possible stationary states are selected, Bohr was still very far from a general formulation; indeed, he was keenly aware of the necessity of extending the investigation to configurations other than the simple ones to which he had restricted himself. The search for sufficiently general quantum conditions defining the stationary states of atomic systems was going to be a major problem in the following period of development of the theory." (DSB).Also contained in the volume is Henry Moseley's famous paper "The High-Frequency Spectra of the Elements" in which he "used the method of X-ray spectroscopy devised by Braggs to calculate variations in the wave length of the rays emitted by each element. These he was able to arrange in a series according to the nuclear charge of each element. [...] It was now possible to base the periodic table on a firm foundation, and to state with confidence that the number of elements up to uranium is limited to 92." (PMM 407).PMM 411Rosenfeld, Bohr Bibliography No. 6.

Kjøbenhavn, Carl Lunds Bogtrykkeri, 1883. Folio. 39x27 cm. Contemp. hcalf. Richly gilt back and gilt borders on covers. Light wear to corners and a few scratches to binding. Titlepage. 5,(1) pp. (Index , Corrections and Addenda). With 171(of 175 ) Flora Danica-plates of Scandinavian trees and bushes. All plates engraved and in fine handcolouring, plates in near mint condition. Scarce re-issue of Flora Danica in exquisite handcolouring, restricted to its trees and bushes. In this work, the last editor of Flora Danica, Joh. Lange selected all the original copper-plates which depicted trees and bushes from the whole work - in fact 9 of the earliest plates were damaged by fire, and as such not useable for a print to be taken - and made this re-issue, done with the original copper-plates as a separate issue of Flora Danica. Under his auspices all the prints were carefully hand-coloured with greatest care and often surpassing the original colouring. The paper used for the re-issue is of the same quality used for the last volumes of the original issue of Flora Danica of which the last volume, vol. 17, came out the same year as this extract, 1883. - Carl Christensen II, p.257 (No 119) - Nissen BBI: 1133 - Not in BMC (NH).

Königsberg und Leipzig, Kanter (Berlin, Stettin, Leipzig, Rüdigern), 1762-75. 4to. Bound in 13 uniform contemp. full calf. Raised bands. Richly gilt spines. Titlelabels with gilt lettering. On all boards the gilt monogram on red background of King Christian VII. A stamp on title-pages. Around 6000 pp., 4 folded tables and 366 folded engraved plates (1 plate in xerox-copy). Occassionally a few minor brownspots, but fine and clean. First German edition of this importent collection of books on crafts which is a translation of "Descriptions des Arts et Métiers..", published in French between 1761 and 1788. The full French series comprises 113 parts (cahiers) in 27 folio volumes along with three supplements, and "provide detailed accounts of a wide range of handcraft and manufacturing processes carried out in France at that time. The volumes are well-illustrated, with precise engravings by Jean Elie Bertrand (1737-1779) a noted typographer from Neuchâtel, where the printing was done. Many of them provide the background for shorter articles in Diderot's Encyclopedia, which was appearing at much the same time. The project had its origin in request from Colbert in 1675 to the Academy Royal des Sciences for detailed accounts of various mechanic arts to be prepared and for new machines to be reported upon. This led to the formation of the Bignon Commission under Abbé Bignon. René-Antoine Ferchault de Réaumur (1683-1757) became editor soon after he joined the Academy. He inherited number of drawings (the earliest prepared in 1693) and an illustrated manuscript on printing, type and book binding, which had been prepared in 1704. It was left to Réaumur's successor Duhamel du Monceau to bring about the publication of the series, probably as the result of the competition from the Encyclopedia." (Wikipedia).Brunet II,618 ff. (only French editions) - Graesse II, 367 (only the French editions). - Fromm, 7040.

Kiøbenhaffn, Hans Støckelman oc Andreas Gutterwitz, 1575. Folio. Velbevaret, nær samtidigt hellæderbind over træ med ophøjede bind på ryggen. Rygfelter med blindtrykte stempler. Med begge originale messinghængsler. Ryg med svage krakeleringer og lidt overfladeslid langs ryggens kanter. Titelblad itrykt i rødt/sort. Titelbladet omkantet, men uden tab. Fr. II's træskårne portræt trykt på bagsiden af titelbladet. (36),547,(33) pp. Trykt på godt svært papir og ualmindelig ren med kun få svage marginale brunpletter. Et blad i Fortalen omkantet og nogle få små bladhjørner restaurerede. Originaludgaven af den første dansk-sprogede Saxo-Udgave - et monumentalværk i dansk litteratur, idet værket først med Vedels oversættelse nåede frem til den almene læser. The first printed Danish translation of Saxo Grammaticus "Danorum Regum heroumque Historie".Laur. Nielsen 1451 - Thesaurus 205 (Ed. A).

[Circa 1870-1880]. An extensive series of 132 stunning photographs of Italy and Italian artwork, most measuring 25 x 17 cm, some slightly smaller, some slightly larger, all mounted on leaves measuring 30x42 cm. and bound in three exquisite near contemporary (ab. 1900) oblong black half morocco bindings with four raised bands, gilt spines, boards with elaborately gilt corners, gilt border and to the middle of front boards a gilt vignette, gilt title ("Italian" i.e. either Norwegian or Danish for Italy). and gilt volume-number. Housed in three equally elegant half morocco boxes with with gilt spines, marbled edges, and with middle of boards corresponding to those of the bindings. The boxes are also from ab. 1900. The boxes have a few traces of wear, but all in all, the set is in splendid condition.Many of the photographs have numberings and several of them also mention the motiv.Volume I contains 46 photographs, 8 by (Giacomo or his son Carlo) Brogi, 1 by Pompeo Pozzi, 4 by Maug and 33 unsigned. Most of the pictures are of ancient Roman buildings and renaissance art works. A few of the photos are from Milan.Volume II contains 49 photographs, 2 by Volpato and 2 by Brogi, the remaining 45 are unsigned. The first half depicts ancient Roman statues renaissance painting. The last part consists of photos portraying vast landscapes around the bay of Naples and Mount Vesuvius and cityscapes Volume III consists of 37 unsigned photographs of artworks mainly from Museo di Napoli. An extensive and stunning collection of photographs from Italy, a splendid example of a Victorian Grand Tour photo album from Milan in the north down to Rome and ending in Napoli, photos prepared while the traveler shopped and visited the Italian sites.Photography studios in different Italian cities developed different specialties and were especially oriented towards the three genres of portraiture, views and art reproductions, of which the present collection is a fine example. "Among the activities of the most renowned firms (Brogi and Pozzi), there was ample space for the reproduction of works of art and monuments most representative of the art historical tradition and natural beauty of Italy. Nature was not only seen as such, but as an integral part of the landscape, and essential element of a whole in which nature and history, culture and nature harmoniously balanced and completed each other". (Hannavy, Encyclopedia of Nineteenth Century Photography)Most of the photographs by Brogi are presumably from his first Pompeii campaign from 1879-1880 which we exhibited in Milan the year after.

Basel, Eusebius Episcopius, 1586 & 1587. Folio (360 x 225 mm). 29 part uniformly bound in 5 contemporary full calf bindings with 6 raised bands. All bindings with wear and numerous wormholes to boards. All spine-ends chipped and with a bit of loss of leather. Boards with scratches and occassional loss of leather. Internally with light occassional marginal dampstains. Numerous wormtract throughout in all volumes. (40), 1180 pp.; (1181)-2196 pp.; (2199)-3246 pp.; (3247)-4226 pp. (4225)-4230, (1), 4230-4373, (1), (458) pp. Third edition of Zwinger’s early and extensive encyclopedic collection attempting to categorize and summarize human knowledge and experience: "perhaps the most comprehensive collection of knowledge to be compiled by a single individual in the early modern period." (Helmut Zedelmaier, "Navigieren im Text-Universum: Theodor Zwingers Theatrum Vitae Humanae). Complete early sets, as here, from the 16th century are rarely found in the trade. The present edition is the third overall edition, the second enlarged edition: “Zwinger’s Theater of Human Life had been issued in one volume in 1565, in enlarged editions of 1571 and 1586 [The present], then by his son in 1604. The arrangement was topical by subject. In 1631 a further enlargement in alphabetical order by Laurens Beyerlinck was published at Cologne in eight doule columned folio volumes.” (Thorndike VIII, p. 271). The work is a fine excample of the Renaissance humanist tradition, emphasizing the collection and organization of knowledge from various fields such as philosophy, medicine, ethics, and natural sciences. Zwinger's work draws upon both classical sources as well as more contemporary knowledge. The 29 parts are divided as follows: Binding 1: 1, Volumen primum Ea quae animi bona atque mala dicuntur. 2, Volumen secundum Ea quae vulgo corporis bona mala´que dicuntur. 3, Volumen tertium Ea quae vulgo fortuita bona mala´que dicuntur. 4, Volumen quartum De habitibus organicis sive facultatibus logicis vulgo` dictis h.e. de philosophiae instrumentis. Binding 2: 5, Volumen quintum De philosophicis habitibus theoricis, veri cognitionem potissimu`m spectantibus. 6, Volumen sextum De philosophicis habitibus practicis ad boni cognitionem simul & possessionem primario` conferentibus. 7, Volumen septimum Quo habitus intelligentiae practici, prudentia scilicet, cum suis extremis, calliditate & stultitia. 8, Volumen octavum De fortitudinis, & contrariorum vitiorum, audaciae scilicet & timiditatis, speciebus. Binding 3: 9, Volumen nonum De temperantia & intemperantia circa voluptates corporis. 10 ,Volumen decimum De moderatione & immoderatione circa pecunias & opes quaslibetcunque. 11, Volumen undecimum De moderatione & immoderatione circa gloriam & honores. 12, Volumen duodecimum De moderatione & immoderatione circa iram & vindictam. 13, Volumen decimumtertium De veritatis practicae studio, de simulatione & dissimulatione. 14, Volumen decimumquartum De humanitate & contrariis vitiis, blanditia & morositate. 15, Volumen decimumquintum De urbanitate & contrariis vitiis, scurilitate & rusticitate. 16, Volumen decimumsextum De iustitia religiosa. 17, Volumen decimumseptimum De iniustitia religiosa. Binding 4: 18, Volumen decimumoctavum De iustitia profana. 19. Volumen decimumnonum Iniustitiam profanam distributivam atque correctivam. 20, Volumen vigesimum De mechanicis habitibus. 21, Volumen vigesimumprimum De instrumentis actionum & passionum humanarum. 22, Volumen vigesimumsecundum De beatitudine & miseria humana. 23, Volumen vigesimumtertium De locis humanarum actionum & passionum. 24, Volumen vigesimumquartum De tempore humanas actiones & passiones mensurante. 25, Volumen vigesimumquintum De vita hominis solitaria. 26, Volumen vigesimumsextum Vitam hominis academicam persequens. 27, Volumen vigesimumseptimum Vitam hominis religiosam exponens. Binding 5: 28, Volumen vigesimumoctavum De vita hominis politica. 29, Volumen vigesimumnonum Oeconomicam vitam hominis. [30] Quatuor locupletis indices. Adams Z 215.

London, Impensis Gul. & Joh. Innys, 1719 (colophon: Londini: Ex Officina Gulielmi Bowyer, 1718). 8vo. Contemp. full calf. Corners, fronthinge and spineends professionally repaired. Inner hinges reinforced. Gilt lineborders on back. Titlelabel in red leather with gilt lettering. Old owners name stamped on titlepage (small).Instead of htitle is bound "Catalogus Librorum prostantium apud Gul. & Joh. Innys" (1 leaf), the Cataloque is furthermore bound at end, but with a different typography. (2),XI,(1),415 pp. and 12 folded engraved plates. Very light brownning to a few margins. Printed on good paper, in general fine and clean internally. Scarce second Latin edition of Newton's "Optics: or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections, and Colours of Light. London 1704.", one of the great books in the history of science. "Newton's Optics did for Light what his Principia had done for Gravitation, namely, placed it on a scientific basis." (E.W. Brown). The translation was brought to light "At the request of Newton, Dr. Samuel Clarke prepared a Latin edition of his Optics which appeared 1706, and he was generously presented by Sir Isaac with GBP 500, or GBP 100 for each of his five children, as a token of the appreciation and gratitude of the author. DeMoivre is said to have secured and taken charge of this translation, and to have spared neither time nor trouble in the task. Newton met him every evening at a coffe-house, and when they have finished their work he took De Moivre home with him to spend the evening in philosophical conversation."(Brewster in his "Newton", 1855")."In the accumulation of optical phenomena from his first paper (the short memoir in Philosophical Transaction, 1672) until the above book (the Optics,..) 33 years later, Newton had gathered explanations to many problems. The rainbow is fully explained and also "Newton's rings", produced by pressing the flat side of a plano-convex glass against a double convex lens of long focal lenght, producing rings of alternating brightness and darkness; his explanation was not valid, as he did not know optical interference. He speculated on the double refraction of Icelandic spar...." (Dibner in Heralds of Science No 148) - G.J. Gray No 180.

Altona, J.F. Hammerich, 1807. 8vo. Bound in the two nice cont. uniform cardboardbindings w. marbled paper. Gilt lines and gilt title-labels to spines. Some wear w. minor loss of paper to capitals, hinges and corners. Small hole to paper as well as to leather title-label of spine of volume two. Some brownspotting, but overall a nice and atrractive copy. Lacking the half-tilte for the first book (merely stating "Erstes Buch"). XVI, 368; VIII, 358, (1) pp. Rare first German edition of this political and economic classic, which constitutes Malthus' first major publication and his main work, because of which he is considered the father of demography and one of the main sources of inspiration for Darwin and Wallace. It is the first translation of the "Principle on Population" into any language, and it influenced German politics tremendously.The first edition was printed anonymously in London in 1798, and in 1803 the second edition, which, also according to Malthus himself, can be said to constitute a new work, appeared; -the great quarto edition from 1803 is thoroughly revised and much enlarged, the title has been changed and Malthus' name appears on the title-page for the first time, it is on this edition that all the preceding editions are based, and in consequence also the early translations. All the later editions were minor revisions of the second one. In 1806 the third edition appeared, and as soon as 1807 the first German one, which is translated from the revised third edition ("Die gegenwärtige Uebersetzung ist nach der dritten Ausgabe, Oktav, London 1806. Die Quartausgabe ist minder vollständig", Vorwort, p. V). New revisions of the text kept appearing till the sixth edition in 1826. The book, then as now, is considered highly controversial, and it has influenced all demographers ever since, as well as being of immense importance to the study of economic theory and genetic inheritance. "The "Essay" was highly influential in the progress of thought in the early nineteenth-century Europe.... "Parson" Malthus, as Cobbett dubbed him, was for many, a monster and his views were often grossly misinterpreted.... But his influence on social policy, whether for good or evil, was considerable. The Malthusian theory of population came at the right time to harden the existing feeling against the Poor Laws and Malthus was a leading spirit behind the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834." (PMM 251).Thomas Robert Malthus (1766-1834), called the "enfant terrible" of the economists, was an English demographer, statistician and political economist, who is best known for his groundbreaking views on population growth, presented in his "Essays on the Principle of Population", which is based on his own prediction that population would outrun food supply, causing poverty and starvation. Among other things this caused the legislation, which lowered the population of the poor in England. Malthus actually turned political, economic and social thought upside down with this work, which has caused him to be considered one of the 100 most influential persons in history (Hart, The 100: A Ranking of the most Influential Persons in History, 1978). Of course, he was condemned by Marx and Engels, and opposed by the socialists universally, but the work was of immense impact on not only politics, economics, social sciences etc, but also on natural sciences. "Later in the "Origin of Species" he [Darwin] wrote that the struggle for existence "is the doctrine of Malthus applied with manifold force to the whole animal and vegetable kingdoms; for in this case there can be no artificial increase of food, and no prudential restraint from marriage" [p. 63]. Alfred Russel Wallace, who arrived at a worked-out formulation of the theory of evolution at almost precisely the same time as Darwin, acknowledged that "perhaps the most important book I read was Malthus's "Principles of Population" (My Life, p. 232). Although there were four decennial censuses before Malthus' death, he did not himself analyze the data, although he did influence Lambert Quetelet and Pierre Verhulst, who made precise statistical studies on growth of populations in developed countries and showed how the early exponential growth changed to an S curve." (DSB, IX, p. 69). As Malthus realized that his theories were not satisfactorily presented or sufficiently demonstrated in the first edition from 1798, he travelled for three years through Europe gleaning statistics, and then published the second edition in 1803. Among other places he travelled through Northern Germany, and his detailed diaries of these journeys provided him with some of the evidence necessary for the development of his theory on population growth. The observational information that he gathered on his travels in Europe were crucial to the development of his theories, which also means that the work is of great interest for other European countries, and not only Britain. "In 1819 the Royal Society elected Malthus to a fellowship. He was also a member of the French Institute and the Berlin Academy, and a founding member of the Statistical Society (1834)." (DSB, IX, p. 67). Printing and the Mind of Man 251 (first edition).

Heilbronn, C. Drechsler'schen Buchhandlung, 1845. 8vo. Nice later hcalf bound to style (pastiche). Marbled covers. Richly gilt spine, titlelabel with gilt lettering. (2),112,(2) pp. Title-page with some brownspots, some scattered brownspots. Printed on good paper. Scarce first edition - Mayer's MAGNUM OPUS - of this his most original and comprehensive paper, privately printed, BEEING THE WORK THAT FOR THE FIRST TIME INCLUDED LIVING PHENOMENA IN THE REALM OF ENERGY CONSERVATION. In this work Mayer again set out the physical basis of his theory, - in 1842 he was the first to present a figure for the mechanical equivalent of heat, and also stated his belief in the conservation of energy - "this time extending the ideal of force conservation to magnetic, electrical, and chemical forces. In Die organische Bewegung he described the basic force conversions of the organic world. Plants convert the sun’s heat and light into latent chemical force; animals consume this chemical force as food; animals then convert that force to body heat and mechanical muscle force in their life processes."(DSB).Mayer submitted this paper to Liebig's Annalen but it was rejected by an assistant editor. The assistant's advice was to try Poggendorff's Annalen, but mayer did not care to foloow that publication route again. In the end, he published the paper privately, and hoped to gain recognition by distribiting it widely. But beyond a few brief journal listings, the paper, Mayer's magnum opus, went unnoticed."After 1860, Mayer was finally given the recognition he deserved. Many of his articles were translated into English, and such well-known scientists as Rydolph Clausius in Germany and John Tyndall in England began to champion Mayer as the founder of the law of the conservation of energy."(Alan Lightman "Great Ideas in Physics", p. 8).

Kiøbh., Godiche, 1763 - 81. 4to. Indb. i 7 samt. helldrbd. m. oph. bd. på rygge m. skindtitelfelter i lysere skind og rig rygforgyldn. Biblioteksmærkater i skind m. guldtryk for oven og neden på rygge. Bd. 1, 2 og 7 en anelse mindre end de øvrige og m. lidt varierende rygforgyldn. Rygforgyldn. på bd. 1 og nedre kapitæl på bd. 4 slidt. Øvre bageste false på bd. 5 og 6 lidt revnede. Bd. m. brugsspor. M. 294 af de 295 kobberst. prospekter, plancher, grundtegninger og kort; mgl. det Generale Kort over Slesvig i bd. 7. Indimellem brunplettet. Nogle pl. m. lidt rifter og reparationer. Biblioteksstempler på titelbl. Uden det store Generalkort over Danmark, som ikke hører til alle eksemplarer. 2 kort og et prospekt ligger løse i bindene. Alt i alt et udmærket sæt af originaludgaven af Danmarks topografiske hovedværk.

Sank Petersburg, Karla Kraija, 1828. 8vo. Bound uncut in one very nice contemporary green half calf binding with gilt spine. With four of the five lithographs, consisting in the large folded map of Mongolia with Iankinth's route from Peking to Kiakhta, outline-coloured in contemporary hand, the hand-coloured frontispiece-plate and three hand-coloured plates of costumes, without the one depicting the Chinese in summer dress (not always present?). A beautiful copy in absolutely excellent condition, with the frontispiece, three of the four plates, the map, both errata-leaves, both tables of contents, and title-pages for both volumes. First volume with light pencil-underlinings and light pencil-marginalia. XII, 230, (2); VI, (2), 339 pp. + frontispiece, three plates, and folded map. The exceedingly rare first edition of Monk Hyacinth's (i.e. Jakinf's/Iankinth's) important work on the history of Mongolia, which constitutes one of the earliest important travel accounts of the region since the middle ages. The work contains a description of Hyacinth's route up north of Mongolia (then under Manchu rule), a history of Mongolia and the Mongol regimes in China, descriptions of costumes, etc., and a section on regulations concerning the Mongols. As such, this important early work came to play a significant role in all later travel literature about Mongolia and was seen as a work of refenrence and great authority, which was frequently quoted by other writers on the field. "Little was reported to the West about Mongolia between the thirteenth and nineteenth centuries. During this period the Mongol empire rapidly disintegrated... When Christian missionaries began arriving in (Outer) Mongolia, beginning in 1798, they found an impoverished people ruled by a "living Buddha", the Bogd Khan... The Catholic missionaries was followed by a wave of Protestant missionaries" (Speake 2: 803), but most of the accounts of these missionaries are from the late nineteenth century and thus much later than Hyacinth's. "The archimandrate Hyacinth, late chief of the Russian mission at Peking, from whnce he returned in 1821, with Mr. Timkowski, is about to publish, at St. Petersburg, an "Account of Mongolia", in four volumes. The first volume will contain a narrative of his journey through Mongolia, and his return from Peking to Kakhta; the second, a geographical and statistical account of Mongolia; the third, a short history of the Mongols; and the fourth, the code of laws by which this nomade people is giverned. This work will contain a map of Mongolia, engravings of costumes, &c.The work was translated into German in 1832 under the title "Denkwürdigkeiten über die Mongolei". Both the Russian original and the German translation are of great scarcity. Lust: 186. Not in Greasse, not in Brunet.

(København), 1709. Folio. In contemporary full calf Cambridge-style mirror binding with blindstamped borders. Light wear to extremities. Seven leaves with minor repairs to margins, one leaf with a 15 cm long closed tear, and one leaf with an 30 cm long closed tear, all professionally executed and with no loss of imprint. Margins slightly soiled. 19 leaves, -text and frames engraved. The broad frames that all differ from each other ornamentally depict animals and plants as well as the different trades of the country. A nice copy printed on thick, heavy paper. Housed in a cardboard box.Provenance: From the collection of Danish book collector Viggo Lohse. The present copy was exhibited at 'Dansk Bibliofil-Klubs 50 års Jubilæumsudstilling' in 1992 (The 50 year anniversary exhibition for the Danish Society of Bibliophiles), no. 94. First edition of this landmark work of Danish book production and the constitution of the Danish absolute monarchy. The Royal Law established the absolute right of the Monarch to rule, and it defined the line of royal succession. It was more rigorous than the other monarchal laws of Europe at the time.The text which is written by Peder Griffenfeld is engraved in copper throughout, in order to prevent the possibility of re-printing, pirated editions and text-counterfeiting. Frederik Rostgaard, the King's state archivist who was famous for his excellent taste in books, was in charge of the editing and issuing of the work. In front of the actual law text a leaf is inserted with the portrait of King Frederik III on his horse, and everything, except for the head of the king which was engraved after his death-mask, is executed in the beloved flourishing- or scroll- manner of the time. The titles and the text are engraved throughout by Michael Røg.

(1842) 1 leaf 8vo. With a later note in tiny neat handwriting to lower blank margin stating that Andersen's original handwritten poem was printed in "Hertha" 1842, p. 5. This excellent originally handwritten poem by the great fairy tale-author has the underlined headline "I Øehlenschlægers Album", but is also known under the title "Paa Nordens Himmel i Stjernernes Flok" (i.e. On the Sky of the North in the flock of the stars), which is also the first line of the poem. It was later printed, in the Swedish-Danish publication "Hertha", in January 1842, appeared again in "Digte, gamle og nye" in 1846, yet again in Andersen's collected works, vol XII, 252, 1879, as nr. 1 of the album leaves, and recently in a new modern Danish version by Johan de Mylius. This beautiful and treasured Andersen poem in full reads thus: Paa Nordens Himmel i Stjernernes Flok,Tycho Brahe har skrevet sit Minde,Og Thorvaldsen hug udi Fjeldets BlokSit Navn, det vil aldrig forsvinde;Du sang af dit Hjerte og Norden/ har hørtVed Dig sine største Bedrifter,Dybt Hjertets Gange har Hjerterne/ rørt,Din Storhed ei Tiden henvistner!Staaer Een i Stjernerne, Een i/ Steen,I Hjerterne veed jeg staaer ogsaa/ Een. We know that Andersen himself also treasured the poem and later also sent it to Zeise, who he hoped would translate it into German and have it published. BFN 413.

(Lyon, Huyon), 1523. Small 8vo. Bound in contemp. full vellum manuscript (text on verso of vellum). remains of ties. Contemp. handwritten title on spine. Title printed in red within broad woodcut border. FF 195, (1) pp. (i.e. 179, as ff 81-96 omitted, but complete),(30) pp. + FF 22, (1) pp. (Frontinus). With ca. 150 textillustrations in woodcut, mostly half-page, but also full-page. A few leaves with contemporary annotations. 3 leaves strenghtened in outer margins, no loss of text. Light toning and faint dampstain on the first ca. 40 leaves. Scarce Lyon counterfeit edition, with illustrations copied from the 1513 and 1522 Florentine Giunta editions and the 1521 first edition in Italian.Adams V,905. - Brunet V, 1327.

London, Taylor & Francis, 1913. 8vo. Bound together in one very nice recent marbled paper binding with gilt leather title-label to spine. Published in "The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science", Vol. 26: July 1913, No. 151 (pp. 1-232 + 6 plates) - September 1913, No 153 (pp. 381-548) - November 1913, No 155 (pp. 802-936 + 6 plates). (The 3 whole numbers of the journal offered). The Bohr papers: pp. 1-25; pp. 476-502; pp.857-875. First edition of Bohr's seminal main work, which constitutes the departure from classical theories; by incorporating Planck's quantum postulate it became possible to calculate the wavelength of the hydrogen emission and thus to explain the regularity of the Balmer-lines.In his previous paper ("On the Theory of Decrease of Velocity of Moving Electrified Particles on passing through Matter") Bohr had adopted Rutherford's nuclear model of the atom, and had become convinced that it was the peripherical electrons that determined the chemical properties of an element, whereas the nucleus determine the radioactive properties. However, Rutherford's model had an apparent explanatory problem: Why were the negatively charged electrons held away from the positive nucleus? In his doctorial dissertation on the electron theory of metals, Bohr had clarified the limitations of this theory, in particular its ability to explain magnetic properties, and he had shown how this arose from the classical nature of some of its foundations. Bohr strongly expected that the key to solving this problem was to be found in some way of introducing Planck's law of quantum action.In the beginning of 1913 Bohr heard about Rydberg's remarkable discovery in spectroscopy. Rydberg's formula could represent the frequencies of the lines of the hydrogen spectrum in the simplest form in terms of two integers. As soon as Bohr saw this formula, he immediately recognized that it gave him the missing clue to the correct way to introduce Planck's law of quantum of action into the description of the atomic systems. The rest of the academic year was spent reconstructing the whole theory upon the new foundation and expounding it in a large treatise, which was immediately published as these three papers in the 'Philosophical Magazine'. It was in these papers that Bohr first gave his postulates of the orbital structure of the electrons and their quantized radiation.Bohr's atomic theory inaugurated two of the most adventurous decades in the history of science. In 1922 Bohr was awarded the Nobel Prize "for his services in the investigation of the structure of atoms and of the radiation emanating from them".Bohr introduced the following postulates: 1. An electron can revolve about its nucleus only in certain special circular orbits. 2. The ordinary electron revolves about its nucleus in an invariable orbit, without radiating or absorbing energy. 3. Radiation takes place when and only when the electron falls from an orbit with greater energy to one of less energy.Rosenfeld, Bohr Bibliography No. 6. Rosenfeld, Dictionary of Scientific Biography II, pp. 240-41. Printing and the Mind of Man: 411.

Vinegia (Venice), Apresso i Giunti, 1565. - Colophon: In Veneta, Nella Stamperia di Domenico Nicolini;...de gli heredi di Luc'antonio Giunt, 1565. Folio. (30 x 21 cm.). Bound later (around 1800) in hcalf. Spine divided in 6 compartments, all richly blindtooled and in the middle of each a small gilt rosette. A crack to joint (2 cm.) at upper compartment. Light wear along edges. Marbled endpapers. Red edges. (22),286 leaves. With engraved map (a reproduction in smaller size of "Carta Marina") - the map in FACSIMILE, and more than 450 fine woodcut illustrations in the text, the the greatest part measuring 59 x 93 mm, a few half-page and some 1/3-page. Woodcut device on title-page and on colophon-leaf. Title-page mounted and with small closed tears. Title-page slightly soiled. A faint dampstain to upper corners on Index-leaves ("Tavola"), which appears again in more weakened form towards end. A faint dampspot in upper inner margin throughout. The last few leaves with a bit of browning, 2 small holes in last leaf with loss of a few letters. First Italian edition (and in full), being the second folio-edition as well as the second edition in the vernacular, of Magnus' great work "Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus", 1555, which constitutes one of the most important sources on the Northern customs and daily life of the time. The present first Italian edition published 10 years after the first edition, which is in Latin, Rome 1555. A French translation appeared, in 8vo, in 1560-61). In reality, this famous work is a large commentary and notes to Olaus Magnus' own map, the famous "Carta Marina", which he published in Venice in 1539, of which only two copies are known. The Carta Marina ("Map of the Sea" or "Sea Map"), is the earliest map of the Nordic countries that gives details and place names. Only two earlier maps of Scandinavia are known, those of Jacob Ziegler and Claudius Clavus. The "Carta Marina" is reproduced here in smaller size, but in facsimile.The woodcut illustrations and views - here printed with the same woodblocks as the Rome edition of 1555 - are of the greatest importance to the cultural history of the Nordic countries, as they illustrate the religions, folklore, occupations, as well as the geographies, fauna etc. of the Scandinavian people. They have since been reproduced a number of times. The artist is not known, but they are probably carved after sketches by Olaus Magnus himself. Swedish Books 1280-1967, No. 18. - Collijn "Sveriges Bibliografi intill År 1600", II: p. 221.

Helmstedt, H. Muller, 1669 (De Hermetica) & Copenhagen, Matthias Godiche for Peder Haubold, 1668 (De Ortu). 4to. In contemporary vellum over wooden boards. Title in contemporary hand to spine. Extremities with soiling and some marks and dots. Vellum gapping at the outer edge of the front board, partly detaching and showing the underlying wooden board. Light occassional discolouration throughout, stain to upper outer margin, not affeting text. Last leaf detached. [De Ortu...:] (14), 150, (2) pp.; [De Hermetica...:] (24), 447, (51) pp. A highly interesting sammelband consisting of two rare works: the first edition of Danish scientist and physician Ole Borch’s “De Ortu, et Progressu Chemiæ” (1668), and the second edition of Hermann Conring’s “De hermetica medicina”, published as a reply and refutation of Borch’s work. Borch’s ”De Ortu, et Progressu Chemiæ” was published as a reply to Conring’s “De Hermetica Aegyptiorum” (1648). Conring in turn expanded his “De Hermetica Aegyptiorum” to function as a critical comment to Borch’s “De Ortu” and published it in 1669 under the different title “De hermetica medicina libri duo” The two works here presented in one binding are both interesting and important in their own right; together they constitute a fascinating glimpse into 17th century debates and science relating to hermetica. The Lutheran professor Hermann Conring (1606-1681) was one of the most important exponents of Galenic medicine and institutional Aristotelianism as practiced in the middle of the seventeenth century His perhaps most famous work, “De Hermetica Aegyptiorum vetere et Paracelsicorum nova medicina” (1648), provides a series of accounts of debates on the magical power of plants, which, according to Conring, a convinced anti-alchemist and anti-Paracelsian, belonged to the realm of poetry, not to nature. This claim quickly provoked a reply (here offered) by Ole Borch (1626-1690), Danish physician, chemist, and polyhistor, who was much more inclined to Paracelsism and Hermeticism. It gave rise to several controversies, all concerned with Hermes Trismegistus and the works attributed to him. Conring’s and Borch’s standpoints were wide apart. For Borch for instance, chemistry was an age old discipline going back to pre-diluvian Tubalcain, originating in Egypt and then passing on to Greece, whereas Conring followed the tradition according to which Moses had introduced this discipline in Egypt. Borch, for his part, believed Moses to have received his knowledge in Egypt from none other than Hermes Trismegistus. It is obvious that these standpoints also influenced Conring’s and Borch’s interpretations of Homer's and Hermes' herb theories and expositions. “In 1668 Borch initiated a controversy in his dissertation De ortu et progressu chemiae. In 1669 Conring reacted with a second edition of his Hermetica medicina, published under a slightly different title and complete with an apologeticus addressing Borch. Listing Orpheus, Pythagoras, Empedocles, and many others said to have excelled in “magical medicine” (magica medicina), Conring also mentions Homer and his famous moly. Homer’s familiarity with magical arts, Conring says, is brought out by the Odyssey. As Pliny said, magical arts were the origin of the poet’s works. Though Conring does not doubt the power of moly, he argues, this power does not work through magic, since healing wounds or alike through incantations is magical. This last point is doubted by Conring. A few lines later he also makes it clear that a “magical power” (magica vis) attributed to a plant by some magi or idolaters cannot be considered natural (naturalis vis). Since moly belongs to magic in Homer’s poetry, it must be interpreted as part of poetical fiction, Conring argues. It is a magical plant, regardless of how inaccurate this might seem from the point of view of natural sciences. Considering the presence of incantations in the Homeric passage, identifying moly with a real-world plant is more than questionable.” "Ole Borch did not agree. Since 1660 he was a professor extraordinarius lecturing in a very practice-oriented way not only on botany and chemistry, but also on poetics. Borch’s extensive output in the field of poetics was well received even beyond the university of Copenhagen. In his reply, he urges Conring to stop trying to impose views that had not been verified. According to Borch, physicians of the past have shown that plants may legitimately (legitime) defeat diseases induced by incantation. Physicians and astronomers, such as the Paracelsian Bartholomaeus Carrichter, had stated that black hellebore or hypericum seemed most efficient especially as regards diseases of the mind. There is no reason, says Borch, to attribute simple superstitio to Homer. Has the commentary tradition not shown that moly being “difficult to extract for mortals but not for gods” could also mean it being simply hard to find? Indeed, is it not hard to find most of these plants which are reported to be most effective against mental diseases? Galen himself had stated it on several occasions. The true nature of moly aside, while the practices and ceremonies described by the poet were, of course, superstitious, the thing (res), i.e. the plant, must have worked in a natural way (naturaliter)?” (Wallura, HERMES' HERB: Homer’s moly and Early Modern Iatrophilology) The feud between Borch and Conring testifies to the strong and prominent role that hermetic and Paracelsian ideas played in the scientific and philosophical debate in 17th century Europe. Duveen 89 ("celebrated treatise")Ferguson I, 119Waller 15422 Wellcome II, 206

Paris, nrf, Librairie Gallimard, 1943. 8vo. Orig. printed wrappers, uncut and first quire unopened. Light traces of use, but overall remarkably fresh. Spine very slightly darkened and wrappers with very light scattered brownspotting. A small, vague couloured thump bark to lower corner of front wrapper (and first leaves). An unusually good copy, as the fragile wrappers are often much more worn. Also internally unusually fresh. Wrappers printed in red and blue. With half-title. 722, (2) pp, 2ff. (one with colophon). The very rare first edition, first impression from "Bibliothèque des idées" printed on 25th of June 1943 ("Le vingt-cinq juin mil neuf cent quarante-trois" (colophon) ), rare review-copy (with "S.P. - Service des Presses) to back wrapper. With the printed dedication "au CASTOR" (i.e. for Simone de Beauvoir"). This, the first edition of Sartre's first and main philosophical work, which is one of the absolutely most important philosophical works of the 20th century, passed virtually unnoticed, as it appeared in the summer of 1943, which is why it is now extremely scarce. It didn't reach recognition till 1945, thus very few copies of the first edition have been preserved. "Achevé au debut de 1943, le livre parut en été et, étant donné les circonstances, passa à peu près inapercu. Il fallut attendre 1945, année aù la vogue soudaine de Sartre attira sur son oeuvre maîtresse une attention qu'aucun ouvrage philosophique n'avait connue précédemment, pour que les commenteurs s'en ampareut;" (Contat & Rybalka p. 86). Even though the work was hardly noticed when it first appeared, a few scholars acknowledged it as a great work of seminal character, importance and novelty; in 1964 Michel Tourier writes: "Un jour de l'automme 1943, un livre tomba sur nos tables: "L'Être et le Néant". Il y eut eu moment de stupeur, puis une longue rumination. L'oeuvre était massive, hirsute, débortante, encyclopédique, superbement technique..." (Les Nouvelles littéraires, 29 octobre 1964).Sartre is first and foremost known for his philosophical works, and as "L'être et le néant" ("Being and Nothingness") is generally accepted as his greatest and main work, this marks the beginning of 20th century existentialism, and furthermore "has also come to be regarded as a text-book of existentialism itself..." (Mary Warnock's Introduction to Hazel E. Barnes' translation). This, his seminal work of existentialism, marks one of the most influential philosophical movements of our age.Contat & Rybalka, Les Écrits de Sartre, 1970.